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cc. Highlighting the success of a leader able to command respect through calm resolve, Pitso Tsibolane charts the rise and broad support for Kgalema Motlanthe from both the Zuma and Mbeki camps in the ANC in the wake of Mbeki’s resignation. But with growing grumbles about alleged dithering over decisions and suggestions of extra-marital affairs, Tsibolane argues that the caretaker president’s initial honeymoon period is long gone in the face of ever greater ANC and media scrutiny.

The unfolding demise of President Kgalema Motlanthe reads like a thriller, except that it is a real life tragedy. When Thabo Mbeki decided to defy the odds and attempted to be re-elected for the third time as ANC president in 2007 at the Polokwane conference, no one could have imagined that South Africa had entered a new path, one that would lead to this sad end. In the run-up to Polokwane, as Jacob Zuma grew bolder and his support swelled, little did we know that a baby dragon was born and as it grew older, it would have the ability to spew fire and its claws would scratch so deep!

On the two lists presented by the Zuma camp and the Mbeki camp at Polokwane, one similarity stood tall: the name Kgalema Motlanthe. For a decade this quite but strong willed man, known affectionately as Mkhulu – the ‘old and wise one’ – had been quietly steering the ANC ship as the secretary general. When others chose which camp to join, he stood like a towering father above all circumstances, providing leadership and supporting Zuma through his ordeal while serving under Mbeki.

Indeed, the ANC had found a new Dr Alfred Bitini Xuma, a unifier and a voice of reason amidst infighting and animosity. Motlanthe managed to be respected by both camps; he was seen as the elderly leader in the mould of Sisulu, able to ease tensions while giving strong leadership. It was no wonder he could appear in the top six of both camps without any contradictory and divisive sentiment. When the Zuma machinery at Polokwane was at its climax, when the Mbeki people were booed off the stage, the chairman of the ANC at the time, Mosiua Lekota rose up to chastise such behaviour, he got an even bigger booing. It was only when Mkhulu stood up, with a stern resolve and dignity he called for order and there was quietness. Only a giant of a leader could achieve that, and Motlanthe did it with calm and poise. He is reported to have warned, ‘One day you will be running the ANC and there will be nobody to respect you because you will have planted this culture of defiance.’ It worked, the masses calmed down.

It was clear from then that Motlanthe was the father of the movement, what Mbeki, Zuma and Lekota lacked in character and dignity in the eyes on the membership, Motlanthe possessed in great measure. When he was elected overwhelmingly over Nkosazana Zuma as the deputy president to Jacob Zuma, the masses were ecstatic. Motlanthe inadvertently became part of the Zuma camp, the new post-Mbeki rulers. When asked if he had ambitions to be president of the country, like Jacob Zuma before him he indicated reluctantly that he harboured no such ambitions, and that he is simply a servant of the movement who would in reality rather be a soccer talent scout and help Bafana Bafana – South Africa’s national team – reverse its fortunes.

As it was becoming clearer that a smooth handover of power was needed from the Mbeki administration to the next one, a bridge was needed. None other that Motlanthe was swiftly sworn in as a member of parliament to be the custodian of this transition. As the Zuma machinery kicked in after the Polokwane victory, it was time to ‘address the Mbeki question’. With Judge Chris Nicholson having indicated that Mbeki may have meddled and caused Zuma’s problems, the leaders clearly could not ignore such an inference of a political conspiracy against their beloved president. It is reported that Motlanthe once again tried to be the voice of reason. Supported by Zuma he opposed the move to oust Mbeki prematurely, but this time he was overruled. Thabo Mbeki was the enemy of the state and had to be taught a lesson.

There were already voices from several quarters touting Kgalema Motlanthe to be a better man who would make a better president than Jacob Zuma. The star of Motlanthe was shining brighter. Clearly, some within the camp were not happy with him, however. Why was he starting to behave like ‘Zuma is not here’, one voice was heard muttering. Some started to question the fact that he was not really ‘100 per cent JZ’, a badge of honour worn by members of the inner circle. He was never seen singing the king’s praises and, as some reminded us, he was in both camps prior to Polokwane. Motlanthe had earlier said on radio that it was nonsense for ANC members to say that they ‘will kill for Zuma’. He was not endearing himself with the faithful.

After Mbeki was vindictively dethroned, the Zuma camp put forward Motlanthe’s name to stand in as caretaker president; he was the logical choice as he was already an MP, making him the third post-apartheid after Mandela and Mbeki. However, bad timing seemed to be Motlanthe's enemy as he walked into the presidency. He was given a difficult task of finalising the Vusi Pikoli matter, a matter which was left hanging by Mbeki and had ramifications for the Jacob Zuma trial. Motlanthe decided to show Pikoli the door against the recommendation of the Frene Ginwala, a senior in the movement, apparently without consulting with the movement.

This was a turning point for Motlanthe's presidency; the honeymoon was over. The media started critically assessing him, while his party members were also throwing jabs at him. The ANC started making more demands, and Motlanthe seemed to be dancing to some other tune, perhaps his own, but clearly not the one from Luthuli house. Mbeki decided to appeal Nicholson's judgment, funded by the state as an ex-president. Luthuli House wanted Motlanthe to withdraw the support of government, but he did not. Mbeki lost the appeal, and Motlanthe should have been lauded, but he was castigated for his wisdom. He has been seen to be dragging his feet on two important matters: the signing of two bills into law. The first regards the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) board and the other relates to the abolition of the National Prosecuting Authority. The faithful and the greedy alike are furious.

Motlanthe seemingly went against the ANC’s wishes by bringing Ibrahim Rasool into his team after the latter was ousted from the party leadership in the Western Cape province. Now that the disaster known as Mcebisi Skwatsha has exploded in the ANC's face in the Western Cape, one would think Motlanthe's decision would be lauded. When the ANC had a chance to remove Mbeki from the Zimbwabwe mediation, they blinked; today those wishing that he was removed then seem to blame Motlanthe for spending too much time with him. Motlanthe has even been accused of inviting Mbeki to particular state events where the JZ brigade believes he should have been shunned. It looks like Motlanthe is too decent for petty squabbles.

When it was revealed that Motlanthe's other house was being paid for by the dubious Sandile Majali, one started to wonder what forces were at play. Is he just another corrupt comrade? Not long after, media reports about his collapsing family life were reported. It was clear that the claws of the dragon were digging in. Other reports started surfacing that Motlanthe will not want to serve anymore in the future cabinet following the completion of his caretaker presidential term. He cited interference in his family life as a reason, according to those reports. The most painful assault was inflicted recently when it was reported that Motlanthe has a secret love affair with two other women, one a 45-year-old lover and another a pregnant 24-year-old. The allegation went further to imply that he is the father of the unborn baby.

The honeymoon is over. Just like the dramatic ending to the leadership of Dr Xuma, who was ousted for being too moderate by the radical elements within the ANC of the 1940s – namely the ANC Youth League and the South African Communist Party – Motlanthe’s future seems to be written on the walls of history.

* Pitso Tsibolane is a South African blogger.
* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.