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The world must address once and for all the grave security threats posed by the Forces Démocratiques de la Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, says the International Crisis Group. In letters to regional and international leaders Crisis Group President Gareth Evans urged them to agree on a dual track approach to the FDLR, offering members - apart from those clearly guilty of the most serious crimes - real incentives for repatriation to Rwanda while simultaneously threatening military action against those that refuse.

NTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP - NEW MEDIA RELEASE

Congo: Deal with the FDLR Threat Now

Brussels, 14 September 2005: The world must address once and for all the grave security threats posed by the Forces Démocratiques de la Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.

On 16 September, leaders from Congo and Rwanda, as well as the African Union, the EU, the UN and the U.S., will meet in New York to discuss issues of regional cooperation in Central Africa. They must focus their attention on the FDLR, the insurgent force which includes remnants of the perpetrators of Rwanda's 1994 genocide and today terrorises the civilian population in eastern Congo, undermines the process of transition there, creates concern in Kigali, and hinders chances of development throughout the region.

In letters to regional and international leaders (full text below), Crisis Group President Gareth Evans urges they use this important meeting to agree on a dual track approach to the FDLR, offering members -- apart from those clearly guilty of the most serious crimes -- real incentives for repatriation to Rwanda while simultaneously threatening military action against those that refuse.

"While peaceful efforts to bring about the disarmament and repatriation of the FDLR are crucial, the time has come to increase the military pressure against them", says Evans. "The FDLR members must understand that if they refuse to disarm and go home to Rwanda, they will face military action".

As the Congo enters its third year of the transition, the process remains fragile, and the Congolese people continue to pay a heavy price. An estimated 1000 men, women, and children are still dying each day from the consequences of the turmoil. Only with strong international engagement can the transition to peace and stability be achieved.

"Bold action is needed to address this threat and, above all, to protect the civilian population", says Evans.

Contacts: Andrew Stroehlein (Brussels) 32 (0) 2 541 1635
Kimberly Abbott (Washington) 1 202 785 1601
http://www.crisisgroup.org

12 September 2005

[Alpha Oumar Konaré, AU Commission Chairperson; Javier Solana Madariaga, Secretary General of the Council of the European Union and High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy; Louis Michel, European Commissioner for Development and Humanitarian Affairs; Kofi Annan, UN Secretary-General; Ibrahim Gambari, UN Under- Secretary-General, Dept. of Political Affairs; Charles Murigande, Foreign Minister of the Republic of Rwanda; Jean-Marie Guehenno, Under-Secretary-General, Department of Peacekeeping Operations; Raymond Ramazani, Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo; William Swing, Special Representative of the United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC); Sam Kutesa, Foreign Minister of Uganda; Condoleezza Rice, U.S. Secretary of State; Jendayi Fraser, Assistant Secretary of State for Africa]

As you gather on 16 September in New York to discuss issues of regional cooperation, I urge you to address the security threats posed by the continued presence of the Forces Démocratiques de la Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). These militia continue to pose a threat to the civilian population in the region, are of continuing concern to Rwanda, and undermine the process of transition. Bold action is needed to address this threat and, above all, to protect the population.

While peaceful efforts to bring about the disarmament and repatriation of the FDLR are crucial, the time has come to increase the military pressure against them. I urge you to use this important meeting to agree on such a dual track of offering members real incentives for repatriation while simultaneously threatening military action against those that refuse. The FDLR members must understand that if they refuse to disarm and go home, they will face military action.

The FDLR have not kept to the commitments made in the Rome Declaration in March of this year. President Ignace Murwanashyaka and a majority of the officers on the ground continue to impose unrealistic political conditions on their return to Rwanda. Although a splinter group led by Colonel Amani announced in June that it would return unconditionally, various officials indicated to Crisis Group that this group numbers less than 800, leaving over 8,000 troops still in the forests of the eastern Congo. Rwanda must clarify and share information regarding which members of the FDLR it considers to be génocidaires and offer more generous incentives to entice those officers not subject to prosecution for such crimes to return.

While such peaceful means of resolving the issue must be worked through, it is evident that coercive measures will be necessary to break the hold of the hardliners over the majority of the FDLR soldiers and to convince them that they have no choice but to disarm and return to Rwanda. Together, the FARDC and MONUC should take against the FDLR such sustained and forceful measures, including the use of force and targeted sanctions, as are necessary in order to convince them that the cost of remaining in DRC is higher than that of returning home.

Crisis Group, accordingly, urges you and your colleagues to take the following steps to address the FDLR threat:

To the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo:

Stop dealing with the hardliners in the FDLR and engage and support the moderates. Neither the political leadership in Europe nor hard-line commanders like General Mudacumura, reportedly wanted for crimes of genocide in Rwanda, view the demobilisation of the FDLR to be in their interest. Ongoing contacts with these individuals must end. In the meantime, the government should take advantage of its contacts with the moderates, such as some of the brigade commanders, to urge them to disarm and repatriate.
Work with members of the CIAT, especially the U.S., to secure the imposition of UN Security Council targeted sanctions against the FDLR political and military leadership. A travel ban and assets freeze will increase the cost of the leadership's continued intransigence and help convince the FDLR on the ground that there will be no political negotiations with Rwanda.
Act on its commitment to begin demobilising the FDLR. At the first tripartite talks in October 2004, the Congolese government pledged to begin demobilisation of the FDLR within 6 months and complete it within one year. Now, ten months later, very little has been achieved. On 29 June 2005, President Kabila announced that the FARDC would proceed with the forceful demobilisation of foreign militias. However, to date no orders have been given to Congolese commanders in the Kivus to take forceful action against the FDLR. In areas such as Mwenga and the Rusizi plain, FARDC troops openly cohabitate with the FDLR. The FDLR headquarters in Masisi should be specifically targeted. While the government lacks sufficient resources to disarm fully the FDLR, it can and must use its current forces to take stronger action.
To the Government of the Republic of Rwanda:

Clarify which specific officers of the FDLR it considers subject to prosecution for crimes of genocide. According to the Rwandan government, only 15 to 20 per cent of FDLR officers may be wanted for these most serious crimes. It must inform the remaining FDLR officers of their legal status in Rwanda, through intelligence channels, the Congolese government, and any other effective means. Although other FDLR officers may still face prosecution for lesser crimes if they return, clarifying those already targeted for prosecution for the most serious crimes will help entice others to return and marginalise the hardliners in the field
Provide real incentives for the eligible commanders to return. The current $300 offered to returning FDLR officers to return to Rwanda is not enough to entice them to do so. The Rwandan government has shown with the 2003 repatriation of General Paul Rwarakabije that it is capable of striking deals with individuals in the FDLR leadership. Similar actions, including offers of positions in the army, are needed to encourage other moderate commanders to return.
Allow for international monitoring of the FDLR's return and reintegration. After over a decade in the bush, many FDLR soldiers are afraid of what awaits them in Rwanda. The provision of international observers to monitor this complex process would encourage these troops to return.
To the United Nations Mission to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC):

Strengthen MONUC's concept of operations to include the use of preventive force. In order to fulfil its civilian protection mandate, MONUC must have a definitive concept of operations, making clear the obligation of the commanders in the Kivus to conduct cordon and search operations and create demilitarised zones. The mission's effectiveness should not be left to the initiatives of individual commanders. MONUC must treat the presence of the FDLR itself as an imminent threat to the local population and should exercise its Chapter VII mandate accordingly without waiting for the FARDC to act.
Help reinforce the capacity of the Congolese army to conduct combined operations against the FDLR. In the long term, the responsibility for dealing with the various uncontrolled armed groups lies with the FARDC. While MONUC should take the lead against the FDLR in the short term, it should also work with other donors to reform the Congolese army in order to conduct operations with them. Crisis Group strongly advocates the creation of an International Military Advisory and Training Team (IMATT) to coordinate these efforts.
Better coordination of civilian and military DDRRR operations. The recent MONUC operations have revealed a disconnection between military and civilian components of the mission. While the DDRRR section in MONUC has been dealing with the FDLR for four years in South Kivu, it was not involved in or informed of the operations in advance. If FDLR soldiers had wished to desert following MONUC's operations, they would not have known where to go or whom to see and there was no information campaign launched in coordination with the operations.
To the Government of the United States of America:

Support the FARDC in its operations against the FDLR. In the last tripartite meeting in Kigali, the government of the United States of America offered to facilitate military aid to the FARDC. It should follow through on this offer in coordination with the other efforts to reform the Congolese army. The UN recently estimated that $200,000 was needed per brigade per month to fund the Congolese army to take on the most important security threats.
Press for an increase in MONUC's troop levels. MONUC currently has a troop ceiling of 16,900 soldiers, less than the mission to Sierra Leone, a tiny country in comparison with the Congo. More troops are urgently needed in Kasai and Katanga to prevent violence in the run-up to elections. To ensure MONUC resources needed to deal with the FDLR are not diverted to the elections preparations and security, the troop ceiling must be increased by 2,590 to 19,290, in accordance with the request of the Secretary-General. In addition, the U.S. should work with the EU and other donors to ensure MONUC has the capacity to fulfil robustly its mandate.
Work with the CIAT to press the governments of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Rwanda, and MONUC to implement the recommendations above.
As the Congo enters its third year of the transition, the process remains fragile and the Congolese people continue to pay a heavy price. An estimated 1000 men, women, and children die each day from the consequences of the turmoil. We urge you to undertake these urgent steps to protect those at risk. With strong international engagement, the transition to peace and stability can be achieved.

Thank you for your consideration of this urgent matter.

Sincerely,

GARETH EVANS

President

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