Voters in the poverty stricken West African nation of Mauritania overwhelmingly approved a new Constitution in a weekend referendum, Interior Ministry officials said on Monday 26 June. Officials said that based on early returns they believed that 80% to 90% voted on Sunday 25 June to approve the Constitution, the first in a series of votes to return the country to democracy, reports the Mail and Gaurdian.

The European Union (EU), a major donor to Burundi, has asked the government to investigate claims of corruption and forgery in an EU-funded programme that was set up in 2001 to rehabilitate infrastructure in the country that is emerging from 12 years of civil war. The EU's contribution to Burundi accounts for 50 percent of the country's donor aid.

The African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights came into force in 1986, making 2006 the 20th year of its existence. As African heads of state prepare to meet in Banjul, The Gambia for the 7th African Union Summit, Ahmed C Motala evaluates the successes and failures of The Charter for the protection and promotion of human rights on the continent.

The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the African Charter) was adopted on 27th June 1981 by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), predecessor to the African Union (AU), at its Assembly of Heads of States and Government in Nairobi, Kenya. This year marks the twentieth anniversary of the entry into force of the African Charter, which came into force in October 1986. Some commentators have hailed the African Charter as a progressive document that, amongst others, recognises the indivisibility of civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural rights, distinct from other international human rights treaties. The African Charter was also the first human rights treaty to refer to the right to development, although it did not define this right. Others have criticised the African Charter for its many shortcomings, in particular its ‘claw-back’ clauses, which make certain rights subject to domestic law. For example, Article 9(2) of the African Charter states: “Every individual shall have the right to express and disseminate opinions within the law.” Other rights such as the right to privacy do not feature in the African Charter and some rights including the right to fair trial are inadequately defined.

The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Commission), the body created under the African Charter to monitor compliance by states with the treaty, currently functions in an environment plagued by civil wars in several countries including Sudan, Côte d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo and Chad. Serious human rights violations continue throughout the continent from Egypt to Equatorial Guinea and Ethiopia. The phenomenon of coup d'état and counter coups continue to haunt many countries. Measures adopted by governments throughout Africa to counter terrorism make serious inroads into long-standing human rights values. A growing commitment to human rights by a handful of progressive countries including Mali, Benin and South Africa on the other hand offer some optimism that the continent is intent on improving its human rights record.

At the time of the drafting and adoption of the African Charter the OAU Charter entrenched the central principle of State sovereignty and non-interference in domestic affairs. This principle prevented the OAU and African States from intervening to prevent serious human rights violations including the massacre of civilians by dictators such as Idi Amin of Uganda, Emperor Bokassa of Central African Republic, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia, Valentine Strasser of Liberia, Hissene Habre of Chad and Samuel Doe of Liberia. In fact, former dictators such as Mengistu and Habre continue to enjoy the hospitality of Zimababwe and Senegal respectively, with both States refusing to extradite them to stand trial for international crimes.

After its creation, the African Commission too failed to deal effectively with some of the most serious human rights violations committed on the continent, most recently the genocide in Rwanda. Being a creation of the OAU, and now reporting to the AU, the African Commission has been hampered, amongst others, by the lack of political will and initiative of its political masters to deal with serious human rights violations. After all, the dictators and human rights violators have been part of the same club of heads of states to which the African Commission was required to submit its annual report, which included information on serious violations of human rights.

With the establishment of the African Union, on paper at least there is a stronger commitment to human rights. The objectives of the AU as enshrined in its Constitutive Act include “to promote and protect human and peoples’ rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and other relevant human rights instruments”. The AU is also based, amongst others on the principle of “respect for democratic principles, human rights, the rule of law and good governance”. The key question is whether the values enshrined in the Constitutive Act are implemented by AU member states or the institutions of the AU? There is little evidence to suggest that the AU is willing to hold member states accountable for human rights violations. Zimbabwe is a case in point. Despite the African Commission presenting a report to the AU Assembly in July 2004 on the human rights situation in Zimbabwe and recommending measures to be taken to redress the situation, the Assembly failed to hold the Zimbabwean authorities accountable. Instead, it took cognisance of Zimbabwe’s objections that it had not had an opportunity to comment on the report and delayed the adoption of the African Commission’s annual report for six months.

However, the Peace and Security Council seems to have acted with considerable resolve in attending to conflict situations. In trying to address the conflict in the Darfur region of western Sudan, the Council authorised the deployment of an AU peace-keeping mission against the wishes of the Sudanese Government of President Omar El Bashir. The Constitutive Act has narrowed the ambit of state sovereignty by stipulating “the right of the Union to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity”. This right of intervention was the consequence of the severe criticism of the OAU for its failure to act in the face of the genocide in Rwanda. It is encouraging to see that the AU is willing to act in accordance with its right of intervention, even against the wishes of the member state concerned. Whether the AU Mission in Sudan has been effective in reducing human rights violations is the subject of another article.

How has the African Commission fared over the last two decades? An analysis of the work of the African Commission would show considerable progress over the last twenty years. However there also have been many obstacles that have hampered its work and consequent effectiveness on the continent.

The African Commission rendered numerous decisions on complaints filed before it, primarily by NGOs. These decisions have been against a range of countries including Egypt, Algeria, Sudan, Malawi, Nigeria, Cameroon and Botswana. Its jurisprudence has improved considerably over the years with recent decisions being well-reasoned. However, the African Commission would have to improve its decisions considerably if it expects the newly established African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights to uphold its decisions. The current staff of the African Commission comprises of dedicated but inexperienced lawyers. Without skilled litigators and experienced legal researchers on its permanent staff, the African Commission is not likely to improve its decisions to a level that would be to the satisfaction of the African Court. Unfortunately most States have ignored the rulings of the African Commission and its parent body the AU Assembly has failed dismally to hold these states accountable. As long as African States that are the subject of such complaints ignore the decisions of the African Commission, its status as the main body on the African continent responsible for the protection and promotion of human rights would remain minimal.

The mandate of the African Commission includes formulating and laying down rules upon which African States may base their legislation. In this regard the African Commission has made considerable contribution by adopting a range of principles and guidelines. These include: Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa, Guidelines and Measures for the Prohibition and Prevention of Torture, Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment in Africa and Principles and Guidelines on Fair Trial and Legal Assistance in Africa. The intrinsic value of these pronouncements by the African Commission is that they articulate standards that are of pertinence to the situation prevailing in African countries. Regrettably there is little evidence that African States have considered these declarations in the development of their own legislative framework.

The African Commission has been plagued by inconsistency in its performance, which has been dependent on its composition. The effectiveness of the treaty body depends on the independence and impartiality of the Commissioners. Disappointingly, African States have undermined the independence of the African Commission by nominating and electing Commissioners whose independence was compromised or who were perceived to lack independence by virtue of their position in their government. Over the last twenty years various Commissioners have held positions of ministers, attorney-generals, ambassadors and advisers to their president. This has not only coloured the perception of the African Commission but has resulted in it lacking initiative to tackle some of the most serious human rights violations facing African countries. One example is that of the African Commission’s Special Rapporteur on Extra-judicial Executions whose appointment came on the eve of genocide in Rwanda in April 1994. During his tenure he failed to investigate the events in Rwanda or to visit the country. During his tenure at the African Commission the incumbent was the diplomatic representative of his country in Ankara and subsequently in Geneva.

The lack of adequate resources has considerably hampered the work of the African Commission. The annual budget allocated by the AU for 2005 was US$1,142,051, considerably less than some large national NGOs. This despite repeated resolutions adopted by the AU Assembly urging that the African Commission has to be provided with adequate resources. The African Commission has had to rely on assistance from foreign donors including the European Union and individual European governments. This should be a source of embarrassment to the African Union that it is unable to provide sufficient resources to its primary human rights body. It also calls into question the commitment of the AU and its member states to the protection and promotion of human rights on the continent.

The protection of human rights in Africa will be enhanced by the establishment of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Court). The eleven judges of the African Court were elected at the AU Assembly in January this year and are to be sworn in at the forthcoming Assembly at the beginning of July 2006. With the African Court having the authority to hand down binding decisions and the Executive Council of the AU being required to monitor implementation of the decisions, the protection of human rights on the continent is likely to improve. However, errant states are only likely to fully implement its decisions if the Executive Council is willing to take measures against states that fail or delay in applying the decision of the African Court. Lack of resources is likely to plague the African Court too unless the AU establishes the voluntary human rights fund recommended by the First AU Ministerial Conference on Human Rights held in Kigali in May 2003 and African states make considerable contributions to that fund.

We are at the dawn of a new era in the protection of human rights. Establishment of the African Court is only the first step in the journey through this era. Much still has to be done in the identification of a suitable location for the African Court, in the provision of adequate facilities and resources and in recruitment of suitably qualified and experienced staff. In all of this and in the effective functioning of the African Court the political support of the AU and its member states is of the utmost importance.

African states bear considerable responsibility for the protection of human rights. Domestic institutions including national human rights commissions and courts should bear the primary duty for the protection of human rights. The establishment and strengthening of an independent judiciary in each African state and respect of and adherence to the decisions of the national courts is of vital importance. The regional system of human rights protection only becomes relevant where the national courts either fail to protect human rights or in instances where the state ignores the decisions of its own courts.

* Ahmed C Motala is Executive Director of the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

FEATURED: Ahmed C Motala reviews 20 years of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights
COMMENT AND ANALYSIS:
- The Darfur Peace Agreement was signed on May 5. Laurie Nathan provides an insiders view
- World Refugee Day was marked on June 20. A new report examines the plight of refugees in Egypt
- Has South Africa signed away its health sector?
LETTERS: Calling for the release of Mariam Denton Nee Jack in The Gambia
PAN-AFRICAN POSTCARD: Violence has ripped through Mogadishu. But who are the real terrorists? Asks Tajudeen Abdul Raheem
BLOGGING AFRICA: Sokari Ekine rounds up the African blogosphere
BOOKS AND ARTS: How to start a Pan-African newspaper, with Shailja Patel
AFRICAN UNION MONITOR: African Union Monitor blog reactivated
CONFLICT AND EMERGENCIES: News from Ethiopia, Sudan and Somalia
HUMAN RIGHTS: Optional Protocol to the UN Convention against Torture enters into force
WOMEN AND GENDER: AU calls for end to FGM
REFUGEES AND FORCED MIGRATION: Refugees demand answers on Burundi camp massacre
ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: Calm returns to Guinea
DEVELOPMENT: China vs US over Africa?
HEALTH AND HIV/AIDS: An exceptional World Health Assembly
EDUCATION: Protests at university closure in Niger
ENVIRONMENT: WHO claims environmental exposure cause 25% of deaths
LAND AND LAND RIGHTS: Farm dwellers take action in South Africa
MEDIA AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION: Lessons in democracy and the press
INTERNET AND TECHNOLOGY: Rural women in the wired world
PLUS: e-Newsletters and Mailings Lists; Fundraising and Useful Resources; Courses, Seminars and Workshops; Jobs.

* Read the recent special edition on trade and justice by clicking on Comment by sending mail to [email protected] or online at www.pambazuka.org

"I was not aware of anything until they were hitting me. I think there were five policemen for every refugee. When we started to defend ourselves, there were many more coming. They came and attacked. I saw one person I knew. They were beating him and when he fell down, they broke his neck. One of the police broke his neck with his baton. One pregnant woman also died in the same place." – An interview with a demonstrator, as quoted in a report compiled by the Forced Migration and Refugee Studies unit at the American University in Cairo.

On 29 September 2005, Sudanese refugees began gathering at Mustafa Mahmoud Park in central Cairo for a protest that eventually swelled to between 1,800 to 2,500 protestors and lasted for three months until it was broken up by Egyptian security forces in the early hours of December 30. The protestors were demanding refugee status interviews, a clearer and transparent process, protection from the Sudanese government, protection of the vulnerable and investigation of detentions and mission persons. Egyptian security operatives forcefully ended the protest, an action that resulted in the death of 27 refugees and asylum seekers and the injuring of hundreds.

A new report compiled by the Forced Migration and Refugee Studies unit at the American University in Cairo and released this month, details the origins of the protest and the aftermath of its violent end on December 30. Entitled “A Tragedy of Failures and False Expectations”, it ends with recommendations to the parties involved. Coming as it does in a month when the world marks World Refugee Day, the report will be of interest firstly to those who followed the unprecedented protest and secondly to all interested in the rights of refugees.

Describing the situation in the park during the three months of the protest, the report states that although protestors were faced with obvious discomfort, there was an “unprecedented” level of community and solidarity in the park where the protest was held, situated near to the UNHCR offices. Meals were prepared in a communal kitchen, money was pooled to buy food and impromptu shops sprung up around the park. Art lessons and puppet shows were held for children.

But in the early hours of December 30, Egyptian security operatives moved in without warning, resulting in death, injury and detentions that lasted several weeks. The report says: "There are some indications that the level of violence was unplanned, or at least that not all security officers were enthusiastic participants in the mayhem. Two bystanders reported plainclothes officers shouting at low-ranking police to stop the beating but being ignored." The report describes the scene after the park was cleared as one of "stunned silence and desolation". "Hundreds of blankets and suitcases are strewn all over the park. Other private belongings, such as notebooks, family pictures, children's toys, and blue and yellow refugee identity cards, are scattered on the ground."

But the report is not only concerned with the events of December 30, but rather with what caused the protest. It intends not to assign responsibility, but to promote understanding of why the protest happened, what the issues were, and how similar tragedies can be avoided.

As such, the historical background provided in the report is extremely useful, describing how the first wave of Sudanese came to Egypt in 1955 as a result of the beginning of civil war. This continued into the mid 1980s, says the report. Further outbreaks of war led to more Sudanese arriving in Egypt in 1983. Most recently, the conflict in Darfur had led to a further exodus from Sudan. Egypt thus became a recipient country for refugees who were firstly in need of refuge from war and secondly seeking to be resettled in third countries, explains the report.

Responsibility for these people fell to UNHCR, whose Cairo office eventually developed one of the largest resettlement operations in the world, says the report. However – and this is where the problem comes in - only about 25 percent had the expectation of resettlement met, leaving them stuck in an Egypt often hostile to their needs. Acute problems detailed in the report relate to work, housing, education, public health and racist attitudes towards refugees and asylum seekers.

A more immediate catalyst to the protest came as a result of the 2004 ceasefire between the government of Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Army. The report explains that UNHCR suspended Refugee Status Determination (RSD) procedures for all Sudanese asylum seekers, instead providing applicants with yellow asylum seeker cards that provided temporary protection against forced repatriation. This decision, reviewed every six months, was based on the argument that this was a better method than possible rejection of applicants on the basis of a change in their country of origin. "Sudanese asylum seekers were deeply disappointed and worried by UNHCR's decision, especially as it put a heavy damper on their hopes for resettlement and relegated them to a longer waiting period under difficult conditions in Egypt," says the report.

It was these factors, contends the report, that combined to create frustration amongst the Sudanese refugee community in Egypt. "Their decision to sit in at Mustafa Mahmoud Park and to demand fundamental changes in their circumstances should have come as no surprise."

In terms of its comments and recommendations, the report highlights the role of all three of the major actors – the Egyptian government, the UNHCR and the leaders of the protest – for failing to prevent the events of December 30. "A series of failures on the part of the Egyptian government and UNHCR, combined with unrealistic expectations and grave miscalculations on the part of the demonstrators and their leaders, resulted in the tragedies of the forced eviction. This is a complicated story with many actors, each of whom bears some level of responsibility for the unnecessary deaths of so many people, including 12 children, and the physical injuries and psychological damage to hundreds more."

According to the report, Egyptian security used "excessive and disproportionate force in removing the protesters, leaving no alternatives or avenues for escape". The use of "indiscriminate violence" and lack of immediate medical attention was a matter for Egyptian and international human rights organizations to pursue. "With attention focused on asylum seekers and refugees, and the issue discussed openly in the People's Assembly, this may be an opportune time for the government to seriously consider the passage of domestic legislation to detail and systematize Egypt's obligations under the 1951 and OAU refugee conventions, as well as to make its policies and procedures clear. Without transparency and clarity, asylum seekers and refugees cannot access services, and this translates into frustration that could lead to a repeat of the protest strategy."

Turning to UNHCR, the report says that despite its mandate being the protection of refugees and asylum seekers, the agency had adopted a "hostile and confrontational attitude” towards the protestors. The attitude of UNHCR had served to confirm the protesters' grievances and frustrations. "UNHCR took a number of grave risks concerning the safety of the population in the park. It must accept accountability for a number of failures and miscalculations that, at least indirectly, led to the tragic results."

Perhaps surprisingly, the leaders of the protest and the protesters themselves also come in for criticism. The report says: "The protesters remained adamant about their demands throughout the three months and refused to accept any compromise that may have ended the protest, such as that offered by UNHCR in the failed December 17 agreement. While the protest leaders did accept and sign the agreement with UNHCR, dissenting voices within the park succeeded in overturning the decision, despite warnings from supporters and friends, and convinced others to continue the protest."

In conclusion, the report notes that if a similar situation is to be averted, the same problems and issues that led to the protest need to be addressed through long term solutions. "These issues include problems of communication and trust, the provision of adequate services that make life livable even in limbo, and a redefinition of responsibilities and roles," said the report

* The full 68 page report is available at

* To read an article detailing the response of UNHCR to the report, visit
- Compounding the tragedy of 30 December in Cairo

* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Pambazuka News, the electronic weekly newsletter and website focusing on social justice issues in Africa, is seeking an ONLINE NEWS EDITOR. You will be a forward thinking and independent person with a strong background in journalism and experience and/or a strong interest in the power of the internet for information delivery and campaigning.

Responsibilities will include: Assuming responsibility for the weekly production of Pambazuka News, including the coordination of editorial support staff; Editing, proofing, researching and posting content online in line with weekly production deadlines; Maintaining a contacts list and editorial diary, including research and commissioning of articles to ensure coverage of key events and issues; Research and writing of comment and analysis items on events and issues related to Africa; Participating in strategic and development issues that relate to editorial content, future development and editorial staff and interns; Completion of necessary administrative tasks. For the full job advertisement, please click on the following: or write to info AT fahamu.org

The Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa, in collaboration with the Open Society Justice Initiative, AfriMAP, and Partnership Africa Canada, will be holding a civil society event entitled Strengthening Civil Society: Ensuring Compliance with African and International Standards on Human Rights and Good Governance, prior to the African Union Summit in Banjul, Gambia from June 26 – 28, 2006.

UNIFEM will be participating in the Pre-Summit Women’s Forum, and will make a presentation together with AU on our experiences of implementing 1325 and supporting Darfurian Women’s participation in the Abuja Peace Talks. Funmi Balogun Alexander will represent us at this meeting.

Shops opened, public transport resumed and markets were bustling in the Guinean capital on Monday after the government made significant concessions to trade unions, ending a crippling nine-day strike that was marked by violence.

The regional economic group ECOWAS has promised to finance the payment of three months of unpaid teachers, doctors and other government worker salaries after unions called a national strike. The main worker’s union, the Bissau National Worker’s Union (UNTG), called a three day strike on Tuesday and vowed to keep pressure on the government until workers’ wages were paid.

Mariam Denton Nee Jack, a prominent human rights lawyer, has been detained now for 2 months in The Gambia without lawful charges. Please help us voice our concern to the Head of State! Please help her by signing the petition below. This letter will then be sent to the Head of State in The Gambia. Your support is greatly needed. Please pass this on to everyone you know.

EthioPundit (http://ethiopundit.blogspot.com/2006/06/catch-up.html) comments on “ethnic, religious and tribal politics” in Ethiopia, Eritrea and Tigray. For Ethiopundit the issue is “dead” and questions whether the “TPLF represents the interests of Tigrayans or that the OLF represents the interests of Oromos”.

“Without cooperation as well as competition by the Oromo or Tigray or Amhara et al, Ethiopia would not exist today and of course would simply cease to exist in the future. Without them and others it will all fall apart into so many unviable mini-states whose destiny would be failure and suffering for tens of millions…To imagine that further bantustanization would benefit anyone or that any tribal liberation front actually speaks for the people that it is named after is simply absurd.”

Zimbabwean group blog, Enough is Enough (http://enoughzimbabwe.org/coltarts-procrastinated-decision-evidence-of-…) comments on David Coltarts decision on his political future. Enough is Enough believes the decision is one that is common in Zimbabwe, placing person before duty and what he calls “cheap politics”.

“Zimbabwe's politicians have a complex [task] regardless of what part or party faction they belong; they take themselves way too seriously. Mr. Coltart's actions over the last few months illustrate my point well…Our politicians make decisions that have national and global ramifications without so much as batting an eyelid, yet [when] it comes to their personal involvement in politics, they take a much more cautious approach. They are in politics for their stomachs and enlarged egos, they haven't given their lives over to their convictions.”

Chippla's Weblog (http://chippla.blogspot.com/2006/06/bakassia-future-uncertain.html) continues his second part of an in depth report on the Bakassa Peninsula, a small piece of land claimed by both Nigeria and Cameroon. In 2002 the International Court of Justice ordered Nigeria to hand back Bakassa to Cameroon and recently President Obasanjo agreed to abide by the decision of the court.

“While one is left uncertain about what Nigerians think about their government's decision to hand over Bakassi (I am unaware of any opinion polls), the feelings of most Bakassi residents are well known. Mainstream media reports indicate that they see themselves as Nigerians (what else would you expect - Bakassi has been ruled as part of the Nigerian Republic for decades) and would want to see the Nigerian government reject the ICJ ruling.”

Chippla goes on to comment on the arbitrary borders of African countries drawn by the colonial government and asks:

“Is Bakassi a part of Cameroon? Given the arbitrary borders of most African nation-states, such a question might seem difficult to answer. But this old map seems to clearly indicate that Bakassi was governed as a part of German Kamerun. Well, so were Mubi and Uba, according to the map. But today, Mubi and Uba constitute part of Adamawa State in northeastern Nigeria. By the way, Cameroon also has a province called Adamawa (spelt Adamaoua) which borders Adamawa and Taraba States in Nigeria.”

Black Looks (http://www.blacklooks.org/2006/06/the_asylum_game.html) remembers World Refugee Day by publishing the outcome of “The Asylum Game” which replicates the “dangers, the perils the reality faced by migrants trying to reach Europe (in this case Norway) from Liberia and Iran”. The game is in Norwegian and a friend details her experience of “trying” to seek asylum in Norway from Liberia.

“I seek asylum and am rejected. I cheat and try the wheel of fortune again, and after about five tries I am finally granted asylum. I realize that I am no longer 26 years old, I am now over 30 and have to start my life over. I also realize that I am one of the lucky ones that actually made it. I cheated more than 15 times.”

Sotho (http://sotho.blogsome.com/2006/06/20/why-is-africa-poor/) writes on why he thinks Africa is poor. He first introduces some current thoughts on the answer:

“Africa is economically poor. Some Afri-philes and some Africans sometimes blame colonialism as part of the reason why the continent is economically poor. Afri-phobes insist that after half a century of freedom from colonialism, that particular excuse is no longer valid, and that we need to look elsewhere. Some people suggest that Africa is poor because Africans are inferior to other races.”

He concludes however that Africa is waking up and ends with a suggested list of “musts” for Africa to succeed in turning things around.

“As far as I'm concerned, the continent had to go through a period of realising its own worth, in order to be able to produce goods and do business in its own image and right, as only it knows how.”

Rantings of a Sandmonkey (http://www.sandmonkey.org/2006/06/20/anti-ghana-ism-redux) comments on the ongoing “anti-Ghana-ism” taking place in Egypt following their win and flying of the Israeli flag by a Ghanaian team member.

He runs through some of the Egyptian press headlines:

"Egyptians supported the Ghanaian team all the way until the 82nd minute, and regretted it after the Israeli flag (waving)," screamed a bold red headline in the independent daily Al-Masry al-Yom Monday. "As soon as the referee blew his whistle to start the match, Egyptians were out enthusiastically, almost hysterically supporting Ghana, until defender John Paintsil took out the Israeli flag," read the paper's front page article.

The live commentator on the Arab satellite channel broadcasting all World Cup matches in the region abruptly cut short his trademark "goooaaaaaaal" when Paintsil brought out the flag. "What are you doing, man?" the bewildered commentator said.

Apparently the real reason is many Ghanaians go through Israeli football training camps! And "the training program for these children starts every morning with a salute to the Israeli flag," Mestekawi claimed. So the questions are: Ghanaians please explain this Israeli flag flying business and why are your children saluting the Israeli flag every morning?

* Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks,

* Please send comments to [email protected]

The AU-MONITOR site has been reactivated! To keep up with the latest news and information from Banjul, please go to:

This site has been established by Fahamu to provide regular feedback to African civil society organisations on what is happening with the African Union. In the immediate period we'll be uploading regular news from the summit in Banjul, The Gambia.

The United Nations is planning to send a humanitarian mission to the Somali capital, Mogadishu, to see how to best address the critical needs of civilians, a senior UN official said. However, the mission would only go to Mogadishu if there were guarantees of security on the ground.

Africa needs to be made more aware of the potentially damaging media related stuff that its people are readily importing from countries like America, the western world's biggest exporter of media related stuff. The sort of stuff they should be looking out for goes like this: Whenever there is a role in the media setting, like one of America’s most popular TV acting related program or film, and the part requires a black woman who is attractive or seductive then they will use a light skinned woman, in some cases they've just used someone who is mixed race instead. But if she is supposed to be unattractive, old or obese then they will use someone who is dark skinned and with typical black features. Whilst men don't usually suffer from such requirements, it’s a system that is saying that this practice is perfectly acceptable.

The R&B and Rap scene is worse because they produce tons of music videos each month and its always the case that most of the black women in those videos are unofficially required to be light skinned or almost European looking or both.

It’s not something that we can ignore easily for some African countries already have some sort of unofficial media related colour hierarchy system from slavery and colonial times that some of their women are subject to, so some of the women in those regions will have problems. We can't possibly believe that everything that comes from the west is good and beneficial for us, because all societies have good and bad points, even if they are rich.

Governor Kalu of Abia State predicted the imminent collapse of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party despite the claim of the party to being the largest in Africa. Kalu said the end of PDP was at hand because it has failed the people who placed so much hope on it, adding that the arrogance of the party will soon come to an end with its rejection by Nigerians in the forth-coming elections.

Official campaigning starts in two weeks in the Democratic Republic of Congo. But excitement at the symbolic arrival of ballot papers from South Africa has been tempered with concern about xenophobia and hate speech from some politicians, reports the Mail and Guardian.

Children in emergencies are at particular risk of gender-based violence given their limited ability to protect themselves and the disruption of family and community protection. "It is hard to think of an act against girls and young women that can be more damaging or enduring than sexual violence," UNICEF Executive Director Ann M. Veneman said. "Sexual violence is also a major factor in the spread of HIV/AIDS, which is having a devastating impact on children, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa."

The first 13 of 250 European Union (EU) election observers have arrived in Kinshasa, capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, an official said on Friday 16 June. The observers, led by French Member of Parliament Phillipe Morillon, are in the country to observe the DRC's first general elections in 45 years. The polls are scheduled for 30 July.

Upcoming elections in the DR Congo are moving ahead under good conditions, but technical problems should be expected, equal media access for all parties must be assured and the poll must be followed by speedy development of national institutions, the head of a Security Council delegation just back from the central African country told the 15-member body on Friday, 16 June 2006, in New York.