"A Zvakwana activist who was moving along Harare Drive towards Enterprise Road in Harare recently saw Zimbabwe national army personnel using both civilian and army vehicles transporting large numbers of downtrodden looking youth. These youth were all covered in blue overalls. It’s not just the zanu pf green bombers to confront; we now have zanu pf blue flies. Zvakwana also thanks activists who are sending this information in along with their photographs. It is always helpful if you make sure to record the very basic facts: time, date, location, vehicle registration numbers and so forth. The regime must realise that concerned citizens will be documenting all of this suspicious activity prior to the general elections, and this will influence how we vote." This is an extract for the Zvakwana newsletter - you can read the full newsletter online by visiting the web page provided.

Five years after he was tortured by agents of the government's Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) during the run-up to the 2000 parliamentary election, opposition activist Dumisani Moyo is still in pain. But mention Zimbabwe's upcoming general election in March and Moyo's visibly dejected and angry face lightens up as he vows he will be back on the MDC campaign track, the inherent dangers of doing so not withstanding.

* EDITORIAL: Darfur and Togo: Difficult times for the AU
1. Lack of political will and institutional capacity have conspired against effective African Union involvement in Sudan. The AU should move out and leave things to the UN security council.
2. The international community needs to support the will of the Togolese people in their efforts to restore order and democracy following the death of long time leader General Gnassingbe Eyadema.
* COMMENT AND ANALYSIS: The Asian Tsunami highlights how ill-prepared Africa is for natural disasters. The time to prepare for an African Tsunami is now.
* LETTERS: Creating leaders, political will and the arrival of equality.
* AFRICAN UNION WATCH: A new section in Pambazuka News containing commentary, analysis and links to the latest news and AU documents.
* REFUGEES AND FORCED MIGRATION: A new website collects information and stimulates discussion about the UNHCR's refugee status determination (RSD).
* WOMEN AND GENDER: Djibouti ratifies women's rights protocol.
* ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: Making sense of Mozambique's electoral chaos.
* DEVELOPMENT: The G7 are learning to talk about debt relief, but they're still not walking.
* HEALTH AND HIV/AIDS: What can human rights do for health and health equity in South Africa?

>>>>>

* Sign the petition for women's rights: http://www.pambazuka.org/petition

* Stay awake: Get Pambazuka News alerts: http://www.pambazuka.org/petition/alerts.php

>>>>>

* Africa gets seats in the UN, but not power
http://www.amsterdamnews.com/News/article/article.asp?NewsID=3716
&sID=12
Africa is scheduled to receive two new permanent seats in the United Nations Security Council as part of a historic process of U.N. reform, but veto power won't come with the seats.
* Into Africa
http://www.washingtontimes.com/op-ed/20050204-090252-9196r.htm
A recent African Union (AU) summit highlighted shortcomings of governance, producing a lofty-sounding communique that is far removed from the everyday troubles of most Africans, says the Washington Times.
* AU starts to flex its muscles
http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?art_id=vn20050106061822370C368824
The right to intervene in each other's affairs is one of the most important reasons the AU is now a body to be counted on in conflict resolution on the continent.
* AU to send peace mission to Somalia
http://iafrica.com/news/worldnews/411708.htm
The African Union (AU) has authorised an east African body to deploy troops to help the new Somali government, exiled in Kenya, relocate to its war-shattered country, an official statement said on Tuesday.
* Can Africa solve African problems?
http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0104/p07s01-woaf.html
For 2005, one theme stands out: Africa tackling its problems without much outside help.
* The African union moves a quiet revolution
http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0207/p09s02-coop.html
The continent is finally heeding the call by South African President Thabo Mbeki for an African "renaissance," including finding African solutions to African problems.

During a speech on foreign Policy in 1959, Kwame Nkrumah said: "In Ghana we regard our independence as meaningless unless we are able to use the freedom that goes with it to help other African people to be free and independent, to liberate the entire continent of Africa from foreign domination and ultimately' to establish a Union of African States."

The unification of Africa was a constant theme during the struggle against colonialism, with leaders like Nkrumah seeing it as crucial to securing the future of Africa. Some scholars even argue that the idea of African unity stretches back much further to pre-colonial times. Indeed, the roots of Pan-Africanism have to a large extent been influenced by Africa’s history of the slave trade, colonialism, oppression and exploitation

As an articulation of the need for unity, the African Union was founded in July 2002 and is the successor organisation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), which was originally established on May 25 1963 during the struggles against colonialisation, but which was been criticised in its latter years for being an inneffective talkshop. The AU is modelled after the European Union and is intended to promote democracy, human rights and development on the continent.

The establishment of the AU is based on the Sirte Declaration, signed by heads of state and heads of government of the AU on September 9, 1999. The Sirte Declaration was followed by summits at Lomé in 2000, when the Constitutive Act of the African Union was adopted, and at Lusaka in 2001, when the plan for the implementation of the African Union was adopted.

The African Union was officially launched in Durban on July 9, 2002, by South African President Thabo Mbeki, which also acted as the first session of the Assembly of the African Union. The second session of the Assembly was in Maputo in 2003, and the third session in Addis Ababa on July 6, 2004.

With 53 members, the African Union covers almost all the continent of Africa. A notable exception is Morocco, who chose not to be a member because Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (Western Sahara) is.

The AU has a number of official bodies:

- Based in South Africa, the Pan-African Parliament consists of elected representatives from around Africa
- The African Commission is responsible for administrative issues and co-ordination of African Union activities and meetings. The chairman is Alpha Oumar Konare, former president of Mali.
- An African Court of Justice rules on human-rights abuses in Africa.
- The Executive Council decides on issues of foreign trade, social security, food, agriculture and communications
- An AU Assembly is composed of heads of state and heads of government of member states. It is the decision-making body and meets once a year to make decisions by two-thirds majority.
- The Permanent Representatives' Committee is made up of permanent representatives of member states and prepares the work for the Executive Council.
- A Peace and Security Council will have 15 members responsible for monitoring and intervening in conflicts. It will have an African force at its disposal.
- The Economic, Social and Cultural Council is an advisory organ composed of professional and civic representatives.

Almost three years since the establishment of the AU, the recent African Union Summit in Abuja, Nigeria in January marked an important beginning to the role of the AU in 2005. With new leaders, emerging peace negotiations and unresolved conflicts in the forefront, the responsibility of the African nations to work together in finding solutions is more important than ever.

This week marks the introduction of a new section in Pambazuka News titled African Union Watch. This section will be looking at both official African Union documents as well as opinion editorials and news articles which compare the promises of the AU to its actual actions. Organisations and individuals are welcome to send their views to [email protected] In the introductory section, we have included the following:

1. Editorial - Caroline Mutugi: AU and NEPAD: Any leap forward?
2. Newslinks to recent articles
3. Links to recent African Union official documents

Updated African Union official documents

The Institute for Security Studies has recently released over 20 official African Union (AU) and related documents on: the January 2005 African Union Summit, Recent decisions and declarations made by the AU Assembly, updated country fact files on the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sudan, investigation reports from Darfur, Nigeria and Mozambique, African anti-corruption commitments and other communiqués dealing with African human rights and good governance. Please go to What's New? at http://www.iss.org.za for access to additional information and all of the documents.
http://www.iss.co.za

- AU Summit, Abuja, January 2005: Decisions of the Assembly
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/profiles/Sudan/darfur/s200557.pdf
- AU Summit, Abuja, January 2005: Declarations of the Assembly
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/RegOrg/unity_to_union/pdfs/au/jan05/assdecl.pdf
- 4th AU Assembly, Abuja, January 2005: Decisions of the Executive Council (PDF 224kb) / Décisions
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/RegOrg/unity_to_union/pdfs/au/jan05/coundec.pdf
- 4th AU Assembly, Abuja, January 2005: Draft Report of the Permanent Representatives' Committee (PDF 211kb) / Rapport
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/RegOrg/unity_to_union/pdfs/au/jan05/prcrep.pdf
- Darfur: Report of the UN Secretary-General on the Sudan, 31 January
2005
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/profiles/Sudan/darfur/s200557.pdf
- AU Mid-term Summit ends amidst high hopes
http://www.africa-union.org/summit/jan2005/Press%20Releases/Press%20Rel…
- Communiqué of the IGAD Heads of State and Government on Somalia Issued on the Sidelines of the 4th Ordinary Session of the African Union Summit, Abuja, 31 January 2005
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/RegOrg/unity_to_union/pdfs/igad/comsomaliajan05…
- Statement by H.E. Mr Kofi Annan, Secreetary General of the United Nations, on the occasion of the 4th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of African Union, 30 January 2005 Abuja, Nigeria
http://www.africa-union.org/summit/jan2005/Assembly/SPEECH%20KOFI%20ANN…

Close to three years down the line, the questions still remain: is life any better for Africans? Is there a revised thinking in Africa's leadership? What economic yields are there to talk of? Have the many conferences facilitated by the two bodies made any impact on the lives of the ordinary African people? The formation of the AU and NEPAD were key developments geared towards transforming African economies; turning the continent from an under-developed one to one that that is self sustaining economically, politically and socially.

In a nutshell, some of the key premises upon which the two bodies and their inherent visions came into fusion is: the need to put all children through primary school; halt the spread of HIV/Aids by 2015 and fight other diseases such as malaria, tuberculosis and cholera which claim millions of souls every year; curb hunger and starvation; stop civil war; and cultivate democracy in Africa - the list is endless. But even as the African leaders undertake reforms at various levels, underscoring the urgency of establishing modern institutions and creating better social, political and financial frameworks to catalyse development, nearly 30 million Africans are battling the HIV/Aids scourge, civil war has taken its toll in many African countries and many souls are perishing due to hunger and starvation.

AU's slow progress

Despite the AU making slow but steady progress on other fronts to improve the lives of its people, Africa still faces numerous obstacles. The United Nations Human Development Report shows that 26 out of 40 countries with the lowest rankings on the human poverty index are in sub-Saharan Africa. Conflict has caused major human suffering, displacement, deaths, destruction of both social and physical infrastructure, and the disruption of economic activities and civilian life.

Statistics indicate that more than half of the millions of weapons imported into Africa (nearly 8 million) are found in West Africa alone. They are used illicitly in such activities as drug trafficking, armed robbery, terrorism and organised crime. The easy availability of and access to such weapons has created a cycle of instability in which the most vulnerable members of society - children and women - are brutalised, maimed and killed.

Among other key developments is the challenge of enrolling all children through primary school. Whereas many counties have integrated this in their national policies, the situation in Swaziland reveals the contrary with school enrolment reported to have fallen by 20% due to the HIV/Aids epidemic. Moreover, UNICEF estimates that 860,000 children in Africa have already lost their teachers to HIV/Aids.

In eastern Africa, efforts by the AU to broker Peace between the Sudan government and the Janjaweed Arab Militia and two black rebel movements, the Justice And Equality Movement (JEM) and Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) have stumbled. For more than two decades now, Sudan has been in the grip of civil war, with the most affected region being the Western part, where Darfur falls. As a result of this war, 50,000 people have died and over 1.2 million others have become refugees.

Lopsided trade

On the economic front, Africa continues to be adversely affected by unfavourable terms of trade, low commodity prices, limited access to external markets and lack of internal capacity and conducive policy frameworks to enable it to complete effectively in global markets. These factors have contributed greatly to the downfall of strong economic performers such as Ghana and Uganda whose economies were performing considerably well in the early 90s. The average economic growth rate of about 3% in sub - Saharan Africa hardly outstrips population growth.

Dictatorship and poor governance among many African leaders has also contributed a great deal to the poor performance of African economies. This has constrained the mobilization of both internal and external savings for investments that could boost production and spur growth. Clearly, African countries have benefited least from the globalisation process. The total global exports have declined.

Few strides

Though there are some positive achievements such as a reduced child mortality rate in Eritrea, increased school enrolment in Malawi, and successful national strategies against HIV/Aids in Senegal and Uganda, there are still many obstacles.

Development is about expanding the choices of people and people have to lead lives that they value. As statistics continue to reflect more people in sub-Saharan Africa are living below the poverty line, the role of the AU and NEPAD is coming under sharper scrutiny. In this light, NEPAD's peer review mechanism - which is meant to encourage member states to ensure their practices and policies conform to agreed political, economic and corporate governance, values, codes and standards enshrined in the NEPAD document - is a welcome step.

Nevertheless, NEPAD and AU need to go beyond their many seminars and conferences and settle at the grassroots with measurable and decisive action plans. Africa needs more than just words on paper. Until a radical change is made to improve the lot of the masses right from the rural folk, the economic growth needed to reduce poverty on the continent remains elusive.

* This editorial was written by Caroline Mutugi and was originally published in New People Economics issue 32 and has been reproduced with permission by the author. For comments on this editorial, please email

After surviving many coups d'Ètat, political assassination attempts, political upheavals and different political transitions and dispensations, Africa's political dinosaur finally bowed out last Saturday, February 5, 2005. General Gnassingbe Eyadema died, according to reports, of a heart attack while being flown abroad for medical treatment. What is intriguing about his death is not so much the fact that the last of the dominant francophone trio (Houphouet Boigny-Mobutu-Eyadema) is gone, after a record 38 years in office, but the circumstances under which a successor was found.

Following Eyadema's ability to manoeuvere his way and have the constitution amended to make him run for unlimited terms, lowering the minimum qualifying age for a President from 40 to 35 years, and carving a cabinet post for his son Faure Gnassingbe, speculation became rife that Eyadema indeed had dynastic ambitions. Interestingly, as usual, Eyadema, saying that destiny would decide dynasty, denied this. But events and circumstances surrounding how the deceased's son came to power, described as a "relative newcomer to politics," seems to confirm what many Togolese had feared and political pundits had predicted.

A few days before Eyadema's death, the President of the National Assembly, Ouattara Sambare Natchaba, had travelled to Europe on official assignment as head of a parliamentary delegation. He was still away when Eyadema passed away. Contrary to the norm of shrouding the death of an African leader of the calibre of Eyadema in secrecy, his death was announced the same day on state radio and television by the Prime Minister Kofi Samma. According to reports, about 2 hours later, the Chief of Staff of the Togolese Armed Forces, General Zachari Nandja, appeared on state television to say that "the constitution had been suspended and Faure Gnassingbe, who was a junior minister in the government, had been appointed head of state." In justification for the take-over of power Gen. Nandja is reported to have said, "The armed forces of Togo find itself faced with the evidence of a total vacuum of power in Togo. This is because the speaker of the national assembly is absent. Therefore, in order not to create a power vacuum, the armed forces of Togo has decided to declare Faure Gnassingbe the head of state." He is further quoted as saying, "The Togolese armed forces swear allegiance to Faure Gnassingbe as President of the Republic of Togo," said Nandja, who was flanked by the country's other top military commanders. At the same time, Gen. Nandja announced the closure of the country's borders (air, land and sea).

Following these two announcements from the Prime Minister and the Army General, messages of condolences began to pour in from African and other world leaders, as well as condemnatory reactions to the installation of Faure Gnassingbe as the new leader of Togo.

Noteworthy among the reactions is the swift and vehement opposition to, and condemnation of, the takeover of power by the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States.

Nigeria's President Olusegun Obasanjo, the chairman of the African Union, said the appointment was unconstitutional. "President Obasanjo will not accept any unconstitutional transition of power in Togo," his spokeswoman said. "Speaking on behalf of the AU, President Obasanjo urged the people of Togo to insist on respect of the constitution on the provision of an interim leadership that will lead to the democratic election of a new president for Togo." African Union Commission Chairperson Alpha Omar Konare, did not mince words: "What is happening now in Togo, you must call things by their proper name, is a seizing of power by the Army. It's a military coup d'etat." ''The constitutional order must be re-established so that power can be held by the president of the national assembly." A spokesman for Mr. Konare, Adam Thiam, went as far as to say that, ''This administration will not be recognized because it comes from a coup d'Ètat." The U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan also weighed in, saying that he hoped Togo would ensure a peaceful transfer of power in line with its constitution.

Following this reaction, and perhaps to fit into the AU's narrow definition of what would constitute unconstitutional change of government, the Togolese Parliament stepped in and convened an extraordinary session of Parliament to amend the constitution and replace the legitimate speaker of the National Assembly with Mr. Faure Gnassingbe.

The BBC quoted one European diplomat who seemed to imply that this "neat trick" might be accepted. "It is a political manoeuvre that has not violated the constitution. One might feel manipulated but it is within the lines of the constitution."

However, it is the writer's opinion that this "neat trick" indeed violates the Togolese Constitution, the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, and international law which the Togolese Constitution itself upholds.

A careful read of article 65 of the Togolese Constitution stipulates that, in case of a vacuum in the presidency created through death, resignation or incapacity, the functions of the President shall pass on provisionally to the President of the National Assembly or Speaker of Parliament. The Constitutional Court will establish the validity of the vacancy. Afterwards, the provisional government shall be given 60 days within which to organise elections and elect a new president who will run a full term of 5-years as prescribed by the Constitution.

Therefore, automatically, Mr. Natshaba should have been sworn-in as the interim head of state to run the 60-day transition period. Rather, he was not allowed to re-enter the country, having had his plane diverted to neighbouring Benin, thus creating the "power vacuum." The fact that the Army suspended the constitution, installed Faure Gnassingbe as the new head of state, instead of the President of the National Assembly, and pledged allegiance to him (Faure Gnassingbe) simply amounted to a military coup d'Ètat. Article 147 of the Constitution makes it explicit that the Togolese Armed Forces are "a national, republican and apolitical army, totally subject to the constitutional political authority". And 148 says that all attempts to overthrow a constitutional regime by personnel of the Forces or the public security services is considered an imprescriptible crime against the nation and punishable according to the laws of the land. Furthermore, article 49 stipulates that the security forces and the police, under the authority of the government, have the role and responsibility of protecting the free exercise of the rights and liberties, and to guarantee the security of the citizens and their property.

The after-the-fact act of going to Parliament to legalise and legitimise the illegality and illegitimacy of the military act cannot help. This is because by reference to article 54 of the Constitution, in case of a vacuum created in the Presidency of the National Assembly through death, resignation or any other reason, the National Assembly shall elect a new person in his/her stead. It is important to note that since the Speaker was leading an official delegation to the European Union, he was still acting as the Speaker even while outside the country. He did not die nor resign. The only other recourse, that is, based on "any other reason" could only give room for his removal and replacement if done by the National Assembly. There was no reason assigned by the Army for removing the Speaker from office. More importantly, it was not the function of the Army to do that. That was the work of Parliament. Also, the Army did not have the power to appoint a new person to replace the Speaker. Again, this is the responsibility of Parliament.

But can we say that what the National Assembly did on Sunday, February 6, a day after the military take-over was justified constitutionally? After all, one would say that Article 54 clearly mandates them to do so. Therefore, at worse, they cleaned up the dirty work of the military and met the condition of the international community that the transition of power should proceed on the basis of the constitution. Can one also argue that the National Assembly act of February 6 was in line with article 150 of the constitution?

Interestingly, article 150 of the constitution stipulates that in the event of a coup d'Ètat or any use of force to overthrow the constitutionally elected government, all members of government or the National Assembly have the right and the duty to have recourse to all means to re-establish constitutional legitimacy. It further states that in such circumstances, to disobey and organise to abort the establishment of an illegitimate authority is considered for all Togolese as 'the most sacred of rights and the most imperative of duties."

What the National Assembly did on Sunday February 6 was not to restore constitutional legitimacy but to smear a veneer of legality on an illegal act. The National Assembly did not condemn the Act of the military; they did not call on the Constitutional Court to rule on the illegality of the military take-over of February 5 and have Faure Gnassingbe and the top brass of the military arrested and tried. They did not make any efforts to re-open the borders and let the Speaker of Parliament come in to take over his constitutional duties as interim president.

Rather, they took steps to make the "President of the Nation" who had been installed a day earlier and which act amounted to an imprescriptible crime against the nation, to be installed as the Speaker of Parliament. The contradiction is clear and irreconciliable: from President of the Republic to President of the National Assembly.

Another issue that obviously raises eyebrows for any constitutional expert is, what steps were taken to remove the President of the National Assembly from office? What were the charges against him? Also, considering that the session that Parliament held on February 6 was an extraordinary sitting, were the rules for convening an extraordinary session followed? According to the constitution, the Speaker of the House can only convene such a session, after it has been demanded by the President of the Republic or the absolute majority of deputies. In this regard, either Mr. Natshaba should have been present or a new President of the House appointed. If a new one was appointed, it could obviously not have been Mr. Faure Gnassingbe since the President of the House is the one who should convene the extraordinary session. But it was the extraordinary session that led to the removal of the constitutionally legitimate President and his replacement by Mr. Gnassingbe. And if a new President of the National Assembly was appointed who in turn convened the extraordinary session, then the House should have dismissed this new President before replacing him with Eyadema's son. One wonders if all these steps were taken.

Yet another issue to discuss is the amendment of the Constitution to remove the legal requirement to hold elections in Togo within 60 days of the death of a President. The new inserted article states that the President of the National Assembly succeeds the President of the Republic and can stay in office until the end of the previous President's mandate.

According to the Togolese constitution, the responsibility for taking steps towards an amendment of the constitution is shared concurrently between President of the Republic on the advice of the Prime Minister and at least a fifth of the members of the legislature. Furthermore, the amendment bill shall be considered adopted if voted by 80% of the deputies constituting the National Assembly. In the event that this majority is not attained, the bill shall be subjected to a national referendum. More important to note, the Constitution is categorical in stating that no procedure for amendment shall be initiated or pursued during an interim period or a vacancy or when it relates to the territorial integrity of the nation.

There are a lot of questions about the legality of the amendment process itself. Among these is the fact that the amendment was made during an interim period or vacancy. There was then no President of the Republic or the House. According to Reuters' reporter, John Zodzi, the amendment was made before Faure Gnassingbe was appointed head of the National Assembly.

In light of the above analysis, the writer strongly lends support to the unequivocal position taken by the African Union. Their actions are in line with the objectives and principles of Union. Article 3 (g) and (h) states that the objectives of the Union shall be to: (g) promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance; (h) promote and protect human and peoples' rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and other relevant human rights instruments. Also, Article 4(m) and (p) says: The Union shall function in accordance with the following principles: (m) respect for democratic principles, human rights, the rule of law and good governance; (p) condemnation and rejection of unconstitutional changes of governments.

Also, the AU Framework for Response to Unconstitutional Changes of Government places a responsibility on the Current Chairman of the AU and the Secretary-General, whenever an unconstitutional change as provided for in the definition of unconstitutional change should occur in a Member State, to "immediately and publicly condemn such a change and urge for the speedy return to constitutional order." Also, the Current Chairman and the Secretary-General should also convey a clear and unequivocal warning to the perpetrators of the unconstitutional change that, under no circumstances, will their illegal action be tolerated or recognized by the AU."

While the Constitutive Act did not elaborate on what could constitute unconstitutional change of governments, the AU Framework outlines 4 definitions of situations that could be considered as situations of unconstitutional change of government:

i) military coup d'etat against a democratically elected Government;
ii) intervention by mercenaries to replace a democratically elected Government;
iii) replacement of democratically elected Governments by armed dissident groups and
rebel movements;
iv) the refusal by an incumbent government to relinquish power to the winning party after
free, fair and regular elections.

However, the AU decided "to restrict the definition of unconstitutional changes of government to paragraphs (b) (i to iv) of the "Framework for an OAU Response to Unconstitutional Changes of Government" (Doc. Rev1 of the Central Organ).

While the military act of February 5 falls neatly into the first category, the Parliamentary faux pas of February 6 seems a bit tricky, particularly in view of the AU decision to restrict the definition of unconstitutional change of government.

However, it remains clear that the Parliament endorsed the military coup of February 5 through their attempts to regularise the illegal acts of the military working in cahoots with Faure Gnassingbe. These are summarised as following:

Failing to condemn the suspension of the constitution, and the announcement and the installation of Mr. Faure as the new head of state;
Failing to call on the Constitutional court to rule on the illegality of the take-over and calling for the arrest and prosecution of Mr. Gnassingbe and the army brass;
Failing to call for the return of the President of the National Assembly to assume his legitimate role as interim President;
Convening an emergency session of Parliament in contravention of the procedures laid by the constitution;
Amending the Constitution contrary to spirit of the Constitution.

It is the author's considered opinion that, but for the above reasons, applying the strict and narrow definition of situations which may amount to unconstitutional change of government, the acts of the Togolese parliament may have passed the test of proper and legitimate change of government. It is therefore suggested that the AU decision paragraph 2 be revoked and the paragraph 4.3.1 of the Draft Declaration on Elections, Democracy and Governance be amended to be in line with the Framework's text which suggests that the paragraphs (i) to (iv) are only examples of unconstitutional changes of government, and that other possibilities may exist. The text reads: "In order to give practical effect to the principles we have enunciated, we have agreed on the following definition of situations that could be considered as situations of unconstitutional change of government.

Such an approach will be in conformity with the spirit and principles of democracy that the Framework upholds. It will cover for example, the situation involving the actions of the Togolese Parliament standing on its own and without any link to the previous day's military take-over. Other situations that could be covered may include a government coming to power or perpetuating itself in power through election fraud, which is becoming part of the continent's democratic ethos. Also, a situation where a government, though having come to power through democratic means turns out to be overtly undemocratic may also be covered. In fact, these examples constitute some of the major factors that lead disaffected politicians and military personnel to stage coups d'Ètat. The fundamental issue therefore is whether the way the country is run is likely to jeopardise the peace and security of the country. The Peace and Security Council of the AU could be charged with the responsibility of assessing the situation and making a recommendation or presenting its findings before the AU Assembly.

Yet another troubling issue about the Framework is the stipulation giving an unconstitutional regime 6 months to return the country to constitutional rule. Udombana's reaction to this arrangement is cynical but to the point: it gives "sufficient time to a smart regime to wreak havoc on the national treasury before disengaging, like General Abdulsalami Abubakar's regime in Nigeria." Obviously, it buys Faure Gnassingbe more time (compared to the 2 months allowed under the Togolese constitution) to "put his house in order."

Addressing parliament afterward, Gnassingbe said: ``Togo is engaged without reserve in the democratic process, which I will pursue to its logical conclusion. The challenges are many, and difficult. But I believe that I can count on all of you, and all Togolese of goodwill who believe in peace, national unity and security,'' Gnassingbe said."

It is time for the Constitutional Court and the people to stand up against the illegal acts of the military and the Parliament, as demanded by the Constitution that, "Sovereignty belongs to the people. The people, through their representatives and through referendum, exercise sovereignty. No section of the populace, a state body or individual can claim that power for itself." Article 43 of the constitution also urges the people that the defence of the fatherland and the territorial integrity is the sacred duty of the citizen." Again, it is worth quoting article 150 which says, inter alia, that to disobey and organise to abort the establishment of an illegitimate authority is considered for all Togolese as "the most sacred of rights and the most imperative of duties."

The legacy of the two other members of the dominant Francophonie trio, H. Boigny of CÙte d'Ivoire and Mobutu of Zaire are evident for all to see. Both countries are embroiled in civil war. The peace and stability of the whole West African region is threatened if the international community does not stand up and take action to support the legitimate struggle of the Togolese people to restore order and democracy in their country.

* DR Kwadwo Appiagyei-Atua is a human rights academic, a member of the Ghana Bar Association and holds a Doctor of Civil Law degree from McGill University in International Human Rights Law.

* Please send comments to

The UN International Commission of Inquiry established by Security Council Resolution 1564 on 18 September 2004 to "investigate reports of violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law in Darfur by all parties, to determine also whether or not acts of genocide have occurred" completed its work and submitted its findings to the UN Secretary General on 31 January 2005.

Although the report did not find genocide to have occurred in Darfur, it confirms that serious violations of international human rights law and humanitarian law by all parties have taken place and are continuing. In particular, the Commission found that Government forces and militias conducted indiscriminate attacks, including killing of civilians, torture, enforced disappearances, destruction of villages, rape and other forms of sexual violence, pillaging and forced displacement, throughout Darfur.

These acts were conducted on a widespread and systematic basis, and therefore may amount to crimes against humanity. The Commission recommends that the International Criminal Court (ICC) should prosecute those persons allegedly responsible for the most serious crimes as part of the solution to the Darfur crisis.

It is notable that the report sparingly mentions the AU and does not prescribe any role it should play in the punishment of the violators of international human rights law and humanitarian law. The AU on its part has steered clear of the definition game of what is or is not "genocide."

When the then US Secretary of State Colin Powell announced on September 9, 2004, that the killing, raping and displacement of black Africans by horse-mounted Arab fighters amounted to genocide, the AU called it a "big mistake" and criticized Powell for "undermining the AU." The AU wiggled out of intervening in Darfur by arguing that it will "call it genocide" after carrying out a "full investigation."

However, it would be wrong to assume that the AU's refusal to acknowledge, despite the teeming evidence in its field reports, that genocide has taken place in Darfur is the decision of one official.

In a communiquÈ issued in July, the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) stated that even though the crisis in Darfur was grave with unacceptable levels of deaths, human suffering, and destruction of homes and infrastructure, the situation could not be defined as "genocide."

The AU's highest organ, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, also reiterated this position during the 6-8 July 2004 Summit, when it noted "that, even though the humanitarian situation in Darfur is serious, it can not be defined as a genocide."

Indeed, the UN Commission has concluded that although inhuman acts may have been committed "with genocidal intent?no genocidal policy has been pursued and implemented in Darfur by the Government authorities, directly or through the militias under their control."

But the AU should not rest on its laurels and feel that it has been exonerated from intervening in Darfur to protect civilians who are being victimized by the Government-supported armed militia groups, the Janjaweed. According to Article 4(h) the Constitutive Act, the AU has "the right...to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly (of Heads of State and Government) in respect of grave circumstances, namely war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity."

If we accept the findings of the UN Commission report that "war crimes and crimes against humanity" are taking place in Darfur, then the AU should be urged to invoke Article 4(h) to intervene in Darfur and protect the civilian population. However, for the following reasons, the AU is incapable of invoking Article 4(h) to intervene in Darfur.

Lack of Political Will

African leaders at the moment have no political will to authorize the AU to intervene in one of its most important member-states. As the Darfur decisions of the July 2004 and January 2005 Summit show, African leaders are not interested in ordering actions that would set precedents. Africa is replete with Darfurs. There are at least half a dozen African states that are currently facing serious political crisis that could lead to civil wars. If the AU intervenes in Darfur, it must prepare to intervene in the near future in Zimbabwe and Nigeria, which have simmering civil conflicts, and in Ivory Coast and Uganda, which are embroiled in seemingly intractable civil wars.

It would be a form of poetic justice for Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, to preside over the AU intervention in Sudan and in 2006 have the same organization, under the chairmanship of Omar al-Bashir, intervene in Nigeria, assuming the situations in the Delta and Plateau regions are not contained. Likewise, AU leaders, particularly South African President Thabo Mbeki, would find it difficult to authorize AU intervention in Zimbabwe or Uganda to protect civilian populations of those countries.

AU Lacks Institutional Capacity

Assuming that African leaders had the political will to intervene in Darfur pursuant to Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act, the AU would still not be able to do so as it does not have the requisite capacity.

As the chaotic deployment of the AU Mission in Sudan (AMIS) has proven, poor logistical planning and lack of trained personnel, funds, and experience in intervening to protect civilians have exposed the AU to be a mere child that has not even learned to walk on its own. It has been more than six months since the AU made the decision to send 3,300 troops to protect its own civilian monitors in Darfur.

So far, it has been unable to deploy half the troops. The haphazard way in which AMIS was conceived, planned, deployed and is being operated has brought back the sad memories of the OAU peacekeeping mission in Chad in early 1980s.

The Sudan Factor

Even if African leaders had the political will and the AU had the capacity to intervene in Sudan to protect the civilian population of Darfur, it would still find it difficult to make the decision and marshal regional, continental and international support needed for such an intervention.

Regionally, such an intervention will need the support of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). A decision by IGAD supporting such an intervention will have to be made by the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State and Government, which is chaired by President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, who will not allow IGAD to make such a decision for reasons pointed out above. Were IGAD to make such a decision it would have to be implemented by the Executive Secretary, Dr. Attala Hamad Bashir, who is Sudanese.

Continentally, the AU would have to rely on the expert advice of the African Commission on Human and People's Right (ACHPR) on matters relating to international human rights and violation of the African Charter on Human and People's Rights. The ACHPR would not easily and expeditiously arrive at recommendations on violations of human rights in Sudan as its vice chairman is Yassir S. A. El Hassan, who is an official of the Sudan Ministry of Justice. The inability of the ACHPR to conduct an investigation of human rights violations in Darfur is now apparent as the resolution it adopted on 4 June 2004 to do so has yet to be implemented.

Were the ACHPR to come up with a report showing that human rights violations were taking place in Darfur and that urgent action was needed to protect civilians that report would be presented to the PSC, the AU body with the responsibility of deciding on matters of intervention. The PSC has 15 members without veto powers. Sudan is a member of the PSC. However, it is an open secret in Addis Ababa that Sudan has "veto power" on the PSC through its powerful Permanent Representative, Osman Said, who is the dean of the diplomatic corps and former head of the national intelligence service.

Sudan is also a member of the Bureau of the Assembly of the AU, the leadership body that includes Mali, Senegal, Burundi, Chad, Libya, Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic,?Ethiopia, Botswana, Equatorial Guinea and Swaziland. The Bureau decides on important matters of the Assembly including the venue and the agenda.

Originally Sudan was supposed to host the AU Summit in July 2005 but this venue has been changed to Libya. However, Sudan will still host the January 2006 Summit. It is traditional that the country that hosts the AU Summit also assumes the organization's Chairmanship and it is most likely that Sudan would do so when it host the January 2006 Summit.

Internationally, an intervention in Darfur would have to get the Security Council's stamp of approval, under Article VIII of the UN Charter. Sudan has powerful friends, Russia and China, in the Security Council who are most likely to veto such a decision. Russia is the main supplier of arms to the Khartoum government while China has secured lucrative oil deals in Sudan.

It is apparent that the time has come for the role of the AU in Darfur to be evaluated, as the above facts have clearly pointed to one conclusion: it is time the UN Security Council assumed its primary responsibilities of maintaining peace and security in the whole of Sudan. The AU should be thanked for the role it has played so far and be asked to back out now with grace before things get messier.

* Waranya Moni works for an international organization specializing in humanitarian assistance.

* Please send comments to

A tsunami of the sort that hit Asia will hit Africa sooner or later. It's just a question of how much sooner or later: one year, 10 years, a 100 or a 1000 years, and if it will be bigger or smaller. The impact it will largely depend on how prepared the continent, individual countries and governments will be for its consequences.

Tectonic plates on which all continents rest are continuously shifting - triggering underwater quakes and volcanoes. Global warming and melting of polar caps will also raise sea levels, increasing the chances of submersion of coastal areas. Over 30,000 earthquakes are recorded annually. On average one or two are seriously destructive to different degrees. There are 500 active volcanoes and about 50 of them erupt in any given year. More importantly quake zones change as tectonic plates beneath the continents shift. Wishful thinking will not prevent a tsunami, but anticipation, preventive measures, containment and effective emergency measures will nullify or ameliorate its consequences. The time to prepare is now.

Now that the big headlines from Asia are gone its time for sober assessment by the next potential victims and they don't come bigger than Africa. The reason is simple. Africa has the least developed infrastructure to cope with destruction on a mass scale.

Every scale of practical assessment - early warning and evacuation capacity, communications and transport network, flood defences, building safety and standards, population density of coastal cities, medical facilities, emergency relief procedures, emergency stocks of water, food, blankets etc - indicate that were a tsunami of similar scale to that of 26 December to hit Africa today, the death scale would not be around 300,000 as in Asia but between 500,000 and a million depending on what coast of Africa is hit. The number of countries and coastal cities involved will be key factors influencing the casualty rate and for sure the displaced and homeless rate will top the roughly 2 million from the Asian tsunami.

For instance, a major line of seismic activity runs along Africa's western and southwestern coast in the South Atlantic Ocean. A major quake there could trigger a tsunami that will hit the western and south western coast of Africa, including most or all coastal cities and towns in Senegal, Gambia, Guinea Bissau, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Cote D' Ivore, Ghana, Togo, Nigeria, Benin, Sao Tome and Principe, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon, Gabon, Congo, Angola, Namibia and parts of South Africa. This could include significant coastal cities such as Accra, Cape Town, Lome, Dakar, Banjul, Monrovia, Freetown, Abidjan, Luanda and Lagos that range in population from less than a 100,000, to Lagos which alone has an official population of 14 million. In these cities millions live within two kilometres (tsunami range) of the ocean, especially in Lagos where the estimate is at about three million. The statistics project a monumental disaster.

But a tsunami will not be the first 'natural' disaster to hit Africa. Over the past decade, between four million and six million Africans have died annually from 'tsunami' scales of leading killer diseases, malaria, HIV, TB, measles and typhoid. Malaria alone kills about 3,000 children a day in Africa. Almost double the number of Asian Tsunami victims die every month of preventable or treatable diseases in Africa. Some may feel that if the bodies were laid side by side every month for the cameras, maybe governments would wake up to their responsibilities. With all due respect to the Asian victims and their families, it is no less sad that mosquitoes strike individually and each family suffers in isolated grief.

The relevance of this here is that African governments are already failing their people in respect of preventive measures for the leading causes of death. Even in a war, such a casualty rate would be untenable.

In addition to human life that is not measurable in monetary terms, such losses to disease are bound to have an economic impact. Malaria alone is estimated by world economists to cost Africa in social and economic terms the equivalent of about $12bn a year yet it would cost only a fraction of this to contain it. This is roughly the same figure at the lower end of estimates for reconstruction in the Asian tsunami zones and twice the amount being offered in debt relief by Paris Club and G8 countries to affected Asian countries.

Should Africa then spend time and resources preparing for a tsunami that has as much chances of happening today as in 10 years time while for sure an equivalent number of projected tsunami victims are already dying every month of preventable diseases and will continue to do so for the foreseeable future? The answer is a resounding - Yes! For one thing, a tsunami would knock already stumbling economies and healthcare systems into a coma.

Preventable diseases, terrible as they are, take human life and rob Africa of her most precious resource - its people. Earthquakes and tsunamis will not only take lives, they will simultaneously concentrate and magnify the depth of misery by wrecking cities and creating refugee situations across massive urban areas. For instance, nearly three million people have been displaced by the Asian tsunami and some experts estimate that about four million would have lost jobs. That's four million more families with no income. The projected social implications for basic rights such as education, nutrition and healthcare are mind boggling not to mention social dislocation, anarchy and crime.

In Africa, the domino effect from a refugee crisis in major cities would also sink already non-existent public housing sectors. Health wise, Africa already looses the highest percentage of its trained health care personnel every year to emigration and a public health crisis is looming in major cities. A tsunami hit would massively complicate the malaria, TB, HIV and measles situation, not to mention diseases transmitted by contaminated water and malnutrition.

Economically speaking, the fact that historically, coastal cities in Africa have evolved into main centres of commerce (flowing from when slaves were transported through them and later raw materials for the same trans Atlantic routes) means that any significant mass destruction of these cities will have a multiplier effect on national economies not dissimilar to shockwaves from a nuclear bomb. Already stumbling economies will be laid comatose.

Any observant visitor to major coastal cities in North America, Japan or Australia for instance would not have failed to notice that there are tsunami warning systems and evacuation routes planned in advance and clearly marked. Australia for instance issued a tsunami warning within half an hour of the December quake. These indicate clearly that even reasonably developed economies cannot afford the potential loss of life that could be wreaked by such natural disasters. Some will argue that the pacific and Indian oceans are more prone to tsunamis. While this is true, surely it is a warning shot that the Asian tsunami travelled seven hours to east Africa thousands of miles away and killed 137 in Kenya, Seychelles, Somalia, Tanzania and Madagascar.

Having realised that a warning system (giving 15 minutes to 2 hours notice) could have saved at least 200,000 lives, all countries in the Asia region met in Thailand within a month of the Asian tsunami to agree on logistics for establishing an Indian Ocean tsunami warning system. The cheapest system possible will be ready by 2006 and will cost about $8m. India alone is planning to invest $29m in warning systems. Enthusiasm at the conference was so high that countries clashed over where the coordinating centre should be located with some offering more money than it would cost to establish it to secure the centre. When the Asia-wide warning system is ready, Africa will be virtually the only continent without a tsunami warning system. If other continents think it necessary to protect themselves, why not Africa? Governments and people need to be ready and on current form this will not happen.

For instance, how many governments (never mind people) know that on the 29th of January 2005 a moderate 5.5 quake occurred just North of Ascension Island a mere 1035 km (650 miles) SSW of Monrovia, Liberia. Earthquakes are devastating in part because of the element of surprise and relative unpredictability. Just two or three notches up the scale and for sure West Africa (and probably south West Africa) would now be in a state of mourning. The Asian tsunami was an 8.7 to nine on the Richter scale and travelled at roughly 500mph. Africa had seven hours yet managed to loose 137 lives despite this being sufficient time to be half way round the world. It goes without saying that it needs no further debate to make the case for a warning system.

But a warning system alone will not do. People will also need to know what danger signs to look out for, what to do, where to go and how to get there. If all houses cannot be quake proof as they increasingly are in most parts of California and Japan, there must be available public places such as schools and hospitals designed and built to withstand waves, floods and quakes. As Tim Radford, a science editor with the UK Guardian, pointed out in a recent article, "survival depends not just on open lines, wakeful authorities and an educated public, but educated planners, builders and building inspectors as well". The social and communications network needed to pass warnings on to citizens must be established and road and transport networks improved. Greek scientists have established that simply widening road junctions and roundabouts leading to higher ground would save hundreds of lives in the event of a tsunami.

Warning systems need not cost the GDP of entire countries. A Swedish company (MedDay) announced at the end of January a cheaper system based on mobile phones which Asian countries are eager to test run. According to the company it will take about six weeks to install. But this can only be an interim measure. Development of electricity, medical and other modern infrastructure are the long-term solution. African countries must get in on such preparation and preventive measures.

Until this is done, hundreds of thousands of Africans will go about their daily lives waiting to die in a 'natural' disaster. Should this eventually happen, it will be nothing short of criminal negligence and no amount of debt relief, international rescue and relief teams and foreign aid workers from international charities will be able to hide the fact that Africa leaders would have once again failed their people in upholding that most basic right of all - the right to life.

*Sankore is coordinator of CREDO for Freedom of Expression and Associated Rights an NGO focussing on rights issues in Africa. Pleas send feedback to [email][email protected] and [email protected]

Zambia is to benefit from Britain's new 'Marshall Plan' for Africa through a new debt-relief and aid package totalling £190 million (US $352.4 million). The UK Department for International Development (DFID) said in a statement that "Benn (Hilary) pledged to cancel all of Zambia's remaining bilateral debt to the UK, once the country reaches completion of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries' (HIPC) initiative by demonstrating progress in tackling poverty".

Elections for Liberia's first post-war government will be held on 11 October, the electoral commission has announced. A power-sharing government, including former rebels, has ruled since former President Charles Taylor fled to Nigeria in August 2003.

"Chaos, incompetence, secrecy and arrogance on the part of the National Election Commission (CNE) are all shown in the ruling last month of the Constitutional Council and in internal CNE documents released by Renamo. Numbers don't add up, results were changed without explanation, crimes were not investigated or prosecuted, and instructions from the Constitutional Council were ignored." This is the latest analysis of the elections in Mozambique from the Mozambique Political Process Bulletin which notes that perhaps it is time for civil society to hold public hearings and promote changes to the electoral system.

Kenya’s civil society groups are protesting over a law that gives parliament sweeping powers to alter the country’s draft constitution, without involving the people. The parliament has been urged to repeal the law. Civil society groups argue that the new law interferes with the concept of a people-driven constitution. The problem heightened after President Mwai Kibaki in December silently assented to a controversial Bill that allows a simple majority of parliament to amend the draft constitution. The public only learned of the assent in the local newspapers January 25.

A UN-appointed expert, just back from a 13-day mission to Somalia, is urging the new government to investigate and prosecute crimes committed during the country's 13-year-old civil war. The United Nations' independent expert on Somalia, Ghanim Alnajjar, told reporters in Nairobi Monday reconciliation will never happen in Somalia unless past crimes are dealt with and human rights in general are respected.

I would imagine that we are all familiar with the maxim that 'societies get the leaders they deserve'. Being Kenyan myself, I have often wondered as I watch the twists and turns that Kenya goes through, what it is that Kenyans have done to deserve what they have in terms of leaders. While I do not have a ready answer to this question, I often think that so long as there is some learning happening, so long as there is a semblance of forward movement, we must continue to hope, to be vigilant and play our part where this is necessary and to encourage growth at all levels - both of ourselves, the organizations we work for and our leaders.

Some months back, we had reason to celebrate change. We attributed the change to many factors, not least of these the efforts that many NGOs are credited with in civic education and encouraging participation, which we saw as finally paying off. The 'feel good factor' was higher in Kenya than anywhere else in the world, at a certain moment in time.

Months later many Kenyans are on the verge of despair. This is understandable. Yet, we all feel strongly about Kenya and the potential she holds. I doubt that Kenyans have the same faith in their leaders as they had at the critical moment that change took place a while ago. It is clear that there has been a major breach of contract between Kenyans and their leaders. Can we do anything about that? I think we can - and we must. But we have to put our house in order first.

Having been literally 'brought up' in the NGO sector, I often use NGOs as the basic vantage point from which I perceive the world around me. Where Kenya is concerned I usually look back with pride at the proactive way in which the sector managed to change the NGO Act of 1990 into the kind of legislation that the sector could live with - as opposed to the draconian piece of legislation it had been intended to be. This involved the entire sector and many of us were greatly inspired by the demonstrated sacrifice and determination that went into creating the change we all wanted to see. I am aware that many things have changed over a decade later, but I fear that the change has not always been entirely positive. I was encouraged therefore to learn about the 'Okoa' effort and to note the determination that those who see the potential of the Council have put into reclaiming the ownership of the Council with the presumed intention of giving it the kind of leadership it deserves. I just wanted to applaud this effort and to let those who are involved know that they are doing duty that will have an important place in the history of the NGO movement in Kenya. If indeed we get the leaders we deserve, then we have to admit the momentary lapse that led to the leadership we ended up with in the sector and the attempt to correct this anomaly is only laudable. We have learnt important lessons and will hopefully be the wiser for them.

I would like to suggest that our complacency and sometimes self righteous attitude - our reluctance to get involved in what we see as petty politics or jostling for leadership has put us in trouble. We need to create the leaders we want and imbue them with a sense of accountability, because we placed them there. This is a real defining moment for the NGO Council.

A collaboration between Population Services International (PSI)/Mali and Ikatel, HIV/AIDS and Malaria prevention text messages are sent twice a month to 350,000 cell phone clients and are being printed on one million pre-paid phone cards. Messages such as: "Anyone can get HIV - everyone can prevent it" and "Protect your family against malaria - use an insecticide-treated mosquito net" are part of the campaign's aim to raise awareness and promote PSI's Protector brand condoms, BLOC insecticide re-treatment kits, and Super Moustiquaire Famille Protégée nets.

"Government forces and militias conducted indiscriminate attacks, including killing of civilians, torture, enforced disappearances, destruction of villages, rape and other forms of sexual violence, pillaging and forced displacement, throughout Darfur. These acts were conducted on a widespread and systematic basis, and therefore may amount to crimes against humanity." - International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur. Since the release of the report on the UN Commission on Darfur last week, news coverage and debate has focused on the Commission's failure to conclude that genocide has been committed, and whether the U.S. will accept the Commission's proposal to refer charges of crimes against humanity to the International Criminal Court. Less noted, says a February 3 edition of the Africa Focus Bulletin, despite its potential significance in increasing pressure on the Sudanese government, is the Commission's well documented conclusion that crimes against international humanitarian law have been systematic, planned, and clearly the joint responsibility of the Sudanese government as well as of the Arab-identified militia it supports. You can read the full edition by clicking on the URL below.

This 5-day training course will aim to explore some of the core concepts and competencies of a developmental field-practice, providing a process for participants to understand where key work of facilitating development lies.

The Finance Ministers of the G7 - Canada, France, Germany, Japan, Italy, the UK and the US - met in London on 4 and 5 February 2005. In their final communique, they agreed to review the debts of the countries within the Heavily Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) initiative, based on a "willingness to provide as much as 100% multilateral debt relief". They also referred to the possibility of using IMF gold reserves to fund debt cancellation. This is the first time that all the G7 nations have accepted that some countries may need 100% of their debts cancelled, rather than the limited - and woefully inadequate - relief so far offered through HIPC.