Deadline: 1 February 2005 at 16h00

Mveledzandivho is a School Development Project that is being implemented in six provinces and is funded by BHP Billiton through its Development Trust. The aim of the Project is to improve management practices and teaching and learning in 29 schools spread across six provinces as well as to provide support to the Early Childhood Development (ECD) sites that feed the primary schools participating in the project.The project calls for proposals from interested service providers in ECD training and support.

The Development Management Trust courses have been designed to bring about positive changes in development practice by promoting the use of resources that encourage a more learner-centred and skills based approach to development. Courses consist of several sessions (3-4 hours each) over a period of 3-4 weeks, in which participants are actively involved in the learning process. Visit their website for more information.

The strong opposition of the AU to the UN sending 9,000 troops to monitor the implementation of the recently signed Sudan Peace Accord signed on January 9 between the government of Sudan and SPLA is mind-boggling. According to the AU, there is no "need for peacekeeping where people have agreed mut ally to cease hostilities."

It appears the AU has not read the comprehensive peace agreement that calls for the presence of a U.N. peace mission.  The presence of this international force is to supervise and monitor the disengagement of forces, as well as to monitor compliance with the terms of the peace accord.

It is surprising that the AU representatives to the peace negotiations in Kenya never paid attention to this clause, as the organization's leadership is not aware of it.  This raises disturbing questions about an organization that has laid claim to the primary responsibilities of maintaining and promoting peace, security and stability on the continent.

Since the AU has failed to fully deploy its forces to Darfur, why should it be jittery when the UN is asked to deploy in Southern Sudan? Isn't it obvious that monitors are required to ensure peace accords are implemented? How does the AU expect the Sudan peace agreement to be implemented without international monitors, in view of the fact that it is incapable of monitoring the humanitarian agreement in Darfur?

The performance of the AU so far in Darfur has left a lot to be desired. It should explain how it has spent the $200 million so far donated for its mission in Darfur instead of trying to block the UN deployment in South Sudan.

2005 is slated for much talk about development, especially in Britain, with the government using its presidency of the G8 and the European Union (EU) to push the issue and Tony Blair's Commission for Africa report due to be published in March. "These initiatives should be carefully scrutinised, for they are informed by a survivalist notion of development," argues this article.

Cameroon's new government this week published the names of 73 top civil servants accused of embezzling public funds in local newspapers to spotlight a sudden anti-corruption drive. Most of the doctors, prison directors and other eminent officials said to have pocketed sums ranging from a modest 80,000 CFA francs (US $158) to 42 million CFA francs (US $83,000) - as well as equipment totalling 126 million CFA francs (US $249,000) - are being sacked. Some are to face criminal charges and all have been ordered to return the missing cash and state property.

If Condoleezza Rice's testimony this week at her Senate confirmation hearing as secretary of state is an indicator of the Bush administration's plans for Africa, Africans and the human rights community should be worried, says this commentary from the Baltimore Sun newspaper in the US. "In his first four years, President Bush surprised Africa watchers by reaching out to the continent's leaders, giving priority to several African issues that included development assistance and HIV/AIDS, becoming engaged in negotiations to end the civil war in southern Sudan and declaring attacks on civilians in Sudan's Darfur province to be genocide. But many observers credit these efforts to Secretary of State Colin L. Powell, and there are fears that with his departure, the Bush administration's interest in Africa will wane. "

Moving towards domestication: the challenges facing the seven countries who have ratified the Protocol

The following list of countries have signed and ratified the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa: Comoros, Lesotho, Libya, Namibia, Nigeria, Rwanda and South Africa.

Comoros

The Union of Comoros is an emerging democracy ruled by President Azali Assoumani, who took power in a coup in April 1999 and subsequently was elected in April 2002.

Equality before the law

The Constitution provides for equality of persons and inheritance and property rights do not discriminate against women. Despite the existence of some matriarchal traditions, men continue to have the dominant role in society. Societal discrimination against women exists mainly in rural farming areas. While more women are part of the labour force earning decent wages in major towns, there are not a lot of women who hold high positions in business.

Political Participation

In 2002, there was one woman in the Cabinet and there were two women who held senior government positions. In relation to other African countries, Comoros has low female political representation, and currently, there are no women in Parliament. According to the World Bank ‘Africa Country Gender Database’ (ACGD) the gender disaggregated data for education, literacy and the representation of women in parliament show a gender gap that is smaller than the Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) averages, with the exception of the primary enrollment gap.

Health, violence and reproductive rights

A woman can seek protection through the courts in the case of violence, but the problem is usually resolved within the extended family or at the village level. Prostitution is illegal, and most citizens did not consider it to be a problem.

Literacy rates:

The rates for people aged 15-24: Male 65.6%; Female 52.2% (UNESCO 2004)

Lesotho

Lesotho is a constitutional monarchy with King Letsie III as Head of State. In May 2002, Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili, the leader of the Lesotho Congress for democracy (LCD) party, won re-election and was the Head of Government.

Equality before the law

The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on sex and in civil courts, women and men are accorded equal rights. However, under the traditional chieftainship system, the rights of women in areas such as property rights, inheritance, and contracts are very limited.

Political Participation

After the May 2002 elections, there were 12 women in the 80-member National Assembly, and 12 women in the 33-member Senate. Four women were government ministers, and two women were assistant ministers. Currently, there are 14 out of 120 Parliamentary seats occupied by women.

Health, violence and reproductive rights

Although domestic violence, rape, sexual harassment and prostitution occur frequently and are considered criminal offences, few cases are reported or brought to trial. Slowly, wife beating is becoming socially unacceptable behaviour and rape can result in a minimum sentence of 5 years' imprisonment, with no option for a fine.

Literacy Rates

The rates for people aged 15-24: Male: 73.7%; Female: 90.3% (UNESCO 1990)

Libyan Arab Jamahiriya

Elected by the General People's Congress, the current Secretary of the General People's Committee is Shukri Muhammad Ghanim. National elections are indirect through a hierarchy of people's committees.

Equality before the law

While the 1969 Constitutional Proclamation granted women total equality, societal discrimination has kept them from attaining their full family or civil rights. However, due to oil wealth, development and education programs, young, urban women tend to have 'modern' attitudes towards life, whereas less educated, rural or older women tend to guard their more traditional attitudes towards family and employment.

Although Libya has ratified The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), they have entered reservations based on Shari'a Law, to CEDAW Article 2 which entails pursuing a policy measure to condemn all discrimination against women, and; Article 16 which eliminates discrimination against women in all matters relating to marriage and family relations.

Political Participation

In theory, the People's Committees are open to both men and women and provide political participation. However, there is not much evidence to support this information, as Libya does not have any women holding positions in Parliament.

Health, violence and reproductive rights

Violence against women continues to be a problem and the intervention of community or family members usually limits the reporting of domestic violence. Traditional attitudes and practices such as female genital mutilation (FGM) are still practiced in remote areas of the country. Prostitution and related offenses including sexual trafficking are illegal in the Penal Code, however they continue to exist.

Literacy Rates

The rates for people aged 15-24: Male = 99.8%; Female = 94.0% (UNESCO 2004)

Namibia

Namibia is a multiparty, multiracial democracy. President Sam Nujoma was re-elected in 1999, which international and domestic observers agreed were free, but included some government harassment of the opposition, unequal access to media coverage and campaign financing.

Equality before the law

The Constitution prohibits discrimination against women, including employment discrimination and against women married under civil law. Women married under customary (traditional) law continue to face legal and cultural discrimination. Traditional practices that permitted family members to confiscate the property of deceased men from their widows and children still exist.

Political Participation

Because women were heavily involved in liberation struggles in Namibia, they have also been integral in the process of re-building the country. Namibia is among the top 20 countries in the world at having the highest proportion of women members of parliament with 19 out 72 seats.

Health, violence and reproductive rights

Domestic violence against women and children, including rape and child abuse, is widespread due to traditional attitudes regarding the subordination of women. However, there has been improvement in the attention paid to the problems of rape and domestic violence such as longer prison sentences for rapists and abusers and gender sensitivity courses for the police.

Literacy Rates

The rates for people aged 15-24: Male: 90.6%; Female: 94.0% (UNESCO 2004)

Nigeria:

President Olusegun Obasanjo's win in the April 2003 elections marked the first civilian transfer of power in Nigeria's history. The federal Constitution provides for diversity in legislation, letting some northern states practice the Muslim Shari' a Law.

Equality before the law

The Nigerian constitution of 1979 prohibited discrimination on the basis of sex, as do the constitutions of 1992 and 1999. Before Nigeria's 1992 constitution only men could pass on their Nigerian citizenship to their spouses. Despite changes, some rights may still be outside the grasp of women due to continuing social and administrative mores.

Political Participation

No customary prohibitions prevent women's participation in politics, but women have not contested for political positions on a level matching men. Currently there are 24 Parliamentary seats out of 340 being occupied by women.

Health, violence and reproductive rights

Domestic abuse is common in Nigeria. Female genital mutilation, rape, prostitution and sexual harassment are significant problems in Nigeria. Women in Nigeria also suffer legal discrimination in the control of contraception by denying them access to contraception by the Planned Parenthood Foundation of Nigeria without the signed consent of their spouses. Abortion is also legally and socially controlled. Shari'a Law in northern parts of Nigeria have been criticized for their harsh punishments of women, such as death by stoning for adultery.

Literacy

The rates for people aged 15-24: Male: 90.7%; Female: 86.5% (UNESCO 2004)

Rwanda

The largely Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) which took power in 1994 and declared a Government of National Unity has remained the principal political force. President Paul Kagame was sworn in on April 22, 2000, in what was the first nonviolent presidential change in the country's history.

Equality before the law

Since the 1994 genocide, women have assumed a larger role in the modern sector, and many run their own businesses. Nevertheless, women continue to have limited opportunities for education, employment, and promotion. Government efforts such as scholarships for girls in schools, the provision of loans to rural women, and a Ministry of Gender program have all worked to increase the role of women in the workforce. The 1992 Family Code allows women to inherit property from their fathers and husbands and allows couples to choose the legal property arrangements they wish to adopt.

Political Participation

There are no laws that restrict the participation of women in the political process. With 49% of seats won by women in the recent parliamentary elections, Rwanda became the country that has the most number of women parliamentarians in the world. Rwanda reserves 30 percent of seats in the Lower House and Senate for women.

Health, violence and reproductive rights

Societal and domestic cases normally were handled within the context of the extended family and rarely came before the courts. Genocide survivors, including women and girls who were raped in 1994, have not been able to obtain reparations such as monetary compensation or other assistance for the human rights abuses they suffered. Further, many of them are now infected with HIV/AIDS and do not have adequate resources and support.

Literacy Rates

The rates for people aged 15-24: Male: 86.3%; Female: 83.6% (UNESCO 2004)

South Africa

After apartheid, South Africa had its first democratic elections for national and provincial government in April 1994. The African National Congress became the ruling party and Nelson Mandela became President. South Africa is now a constitutional democracy and the President is Thabo Mbeki.

Equality before the law

The South African Constitution has entrenched gender equality as a key political value. The Joint Committee on the Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women has been extremely influential in putting forth legislation such as The Termination of Pregnancy Act (easy access to abortion); The Maintenance Act of 1998 (rights and services for single mothers, pregnant women) and; The 1998 Domestic Violence Act (domestic violence as a public matter). However despite these laws, labour markets, rural practices, limited land rights and inequalities in resources and power within households, continue to marginalise women.

Political Participation

Right after South Africa's second democratic elections in June 1999, the newly elected President Thabo Mbeki appointed eight women to ministerial positions, double the number in the first government. The country ranks seventh in the world in terms of women parliamentary representatives (30 per cent).

Health, violence and reproductive rights

Despite legislation and a high number of women in political positions, there continues to be a lack of services and support for issues such as violence against women, HIV/AIDS, pregnant women, unemployment, housing, health care and rape. All of this despite the fact that South Africa has one of the highest incidence of rape in the world and 15% of women are infected with AIDS. Further, increasing levels of violence have increased women's fear and vulnerability, made it difficult for them to take up social and economic opportunities and put them at a higher risk of HIV infection.

Literacy rates

The rates for people aged 15-24: Male: 91.8%; Female: 91.7% (UNESCO 2004)

* Compiled by Rina Alluri, Fahamu

Djibouti s’engage vers la voie très prochaine d’une ratification du Protocole de Maputo relatif aux droits des femmes en Afrique

[English translation follows]

L’Union Nationale des Femmes Djiboutiennes , membre du Mouvement de Solidarité pour les Droits des Femmes en Afrique mène depuis juillet 2004 des actions de plaidoyer en faveur de la ratification par la République de Djibouti du protocole à la Charte Africaine des Droits de l’Homme et des Peuples relatif aux droits des femmes.

Grâce à l’engagement de la première dame de Djibouti, présidente de l’UNFD, Madame Kadra Mahamoud Haid, la société civile djiboutienne se mobilise en faveur de la ratification du protocole de Maputo.

Par le moyen de pétitions, une large frange de la population djiboutienne composée de parlementaires, de juges, de personnes opérant dans les secteurs public et privé demeure aujourd’hui avisée de l’existence de cette convention africaine promouvant les droits des femmes en Afrique.

En juin 2004, une pétition a , en un temps record de 48 heures, recueilli 270 signatures.
Les médias djiboutiens n’ont pas manqué à leur tour de souligner les actions de plaidoyer menées par l’UNFD ; Saisissant l’occasion de la conférence des Chefs d’Etats de l’Union Africaine réunis en juillet 2004 à Addis-Abeba, l’UNFD a adressé, par la voie de communiqués de presse à la Radio télévision de Djibouti dans les quatre langues nationales arabe, afar , somali et français, des messages à la population djiboutienne en vue de l’informer de l’existence du protocole de Maputo, convention avant-gardiste dans la protection des femmes djiboutiennes et a fortiori des femmes africaines.

La stratégie informative de l’UNFD s’est poursuivie par l’engagement officiel de la première dame de Djibouti en faveur de la ratification par Djibouti du protocole de Maputo et ce par le voie d’une interview conduite par le journal « la Nation ».

L’UNFD, connue depuis les premiers jours de l’indépendance de la République de Djibouti pour son fervent combat en faveur des droits des femmes djiboutiennes, démontre ses capacités mobilisatrices, portant cette fois le flambeau de la cause des femmes de tout le continent africain.

En décembre 2004, dans le cadre des 16 jours d’activisme, 383 signatures ont été collectées par le support d’une pétition.

Par ailleurs, les militantes de l’UNFD ne relâchent pas leurs efforts de sensibilisation ; Ainsi, au cours d’un colloque « Femmes et Citoyenneté à Djibouti »organisé par l’association djiboutienne dénommée Solidarité Féminine qui s’est tenu le 17 et 18 janvier 2005, Mme Zeinab Kamil Ali a présenté, devant une large auditoire composé de personnalités issues d’horizons divers, les disposition méritoires du protocole de Maputo, la genèse du texte ainsi qu’une analyse comparative du protocole avec la législation djiboutienne.

Réaffirmant les atouts du protocole de Maputo, convention caractérisée par son pragmatisme, sa connaissance de la réalité des femmes africaines et sa volonté de conciliation des différentes acceptions juridiques de la protection des droits de la femme africaine, cette militante a clôturé son plaidoyer sur l’indispensable texte de référence que constituera, dès sa ratification, le protocole de Maputo pour les besoins de toute réforme de la législation djiboutienne relatif aux droits des femmes.

Fort de cette effervescence de la société civile djiboutienne, il semblerait que le Gouvernement de la République de Djibouti par l’entremise de Mme Hawa Ahmed Youssouf, Ministre déléguée à la promotion de la femme a déjà inscrit, sur son agenda, l’adoption en conseil des ministres du projet de loi portant ratification du protocole à la Charte Africaine des Droits de l’Homme et des Peuples relatif aux droits des femmes.

[TRANSLATION]
Since July 2004 the National Union of Djiboutian Women (UNFD), member of the Solidarity Movement for Women’s Rights in Africa, has been carrying out lobbying activities promoting ratification by the Djibouti Republic of the protocol relating to women’s rights in the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

Thanks to the involvement of Kadra Mahamoud Haid, first lady of Djibouti and President of UNFD, Djibouti civil society is mobilising in favour of ratifying the protocol.

A wide sector of the Djibouti population including members of parliament, judges and public and private sector workers is now aware of the existence of this African convention promoting women’s rights in Africa.

One petition in June 2004 raised 270 signatures in a record 48 hours. Nor did the Djibouti media miss their opportunity to highlight the UNFD lobbying actions: UNFD seized the opportunity of the African Union Heads of State meeting in Addis Ababa in July 2004 to prepare press communiqués for RTD (Djibouti Radio Television station) in the four national languages of Arabic, Afar, Somali and French informing the people of Djibouti of the existence of the Maputo protocol, a progressive convention in the vanguard of protecting Djiboutian women and indeed all African women.

The UNFD information strategy continued with the first lady of Djibouti’s official support for ratification of the Maputo protocol by Djibouti in an interview published in Djibouti’s ‘La Nation’ newspaper.

UNFD, known since the early days of the Djibouti Republic’s independence for its ardent fight for the rights of Djiboutian women, has demonstrated its ability to mobilise support, this time carrying the torch for women’s rights over the whole African continent.

In December 2004 during a 16-day action period, 383 signatures were collected with the help of a petition.

And UNFD activists have not been slackening their awareness-raising efforts since then: at a symposium from 17 to 18 January on ‘Women and Citizenship in Djibouti’ organised by the Djibouti association Women’s Solidarity, Mrs Zeinab Kamil Ali made a presentation to an audience of people from a variety of backgrounds on the positive measures in the Maputo protocol and how the text was arrived at, as well as a comparative analysis of the protocol with Djibouti legislation.

Activist Mrs Ali reaffirmed the key points in the Maputo protocol, describing it as a convention characterised by its pragmatism, its awareness of the reality of African women and its willingness to reconcile the differing juridical readings of the protection of African women’s rights. She brought her advocacy to a close, highlighting how indispensable a reference text the Maputo protocol once ratified will be for the purpose of any reform of the Djibouti legislature relating to women’s rights.

It now appears that through the intervention of Mrs Hawa Ahmed Youssouf, Minister in charge of women’s advancement, the Government of the Djibouti Republic has already put the adoption of the draft law on the council of ministers’ schedule, bringing closer the ratification of the protocol.

[our thanks to Clare Smedley for providing this translation]
* Please send comments to

It boggles the mind that billions of dollars in foreign aid and continued coverage by mainstream newspapers and television is offering itself to the Tsunami victims in Sri Lanka, Indonesia, and devastated areas...yet not hardly a stir in the mainstream media at the outrage that has gone on by way of the illegal wars on Afghanistan and Iraq. Yes, besides the hundred thousand Iraqi citizens now recently dead from a war based on "falsified Niger documents" and pumped up tales of "potential" weapons of mass destruction, we have in North America a populace that sits back in apathy not remembering the million and a half Iraqi citizens that had died because of US sanctions and bombings on Iraqi infrastructure just prior to this second onslaught by the US Empire.

Does anyone read? Does anyone care? Is it more 'politically correct' to aid those destroyed by a tidal wave than by our own military forces? Are North Americans aware that the US military uses both depleted and non-depleted uranium tipped warheads? This leaves radio-active contamination in the soil for thousands of years to come, resulting in a kind of slow genocide of the Iraqi and Afghani peoples...not to mention all troops and soldiers fighting in the area.

The question I ask is: Why are our politicians and newspapers refusing to expose the atrocities being committed on these innocent Middle Eastern countrymen, women and children by destructive US foreign policies?

It is time to risk a little more than just aid money to those in great need from the earthquake disaster. We must take the time to read, become informed outside of mainstream media productions, and take necessary actions such as holding our politicians accountable for international war crimes.

* Editorial: The international approach to the DRC has always been to treat the country as a sick person that needs to be kept alive but cannot be allowed to recover. Recovery would make control difficult, says Ernest Wamba dia Wamba.
* Comment and Analysis: Christina Clark visits a forgotten world in Western Uganda to examine child rights and conflict-induced displacement
- Emerging issues for Africa in the post-Tsunami world
* Letters: The slaves are clinging to the door posts in their attempt to stay in the masters house, say some of our readers in response to last week’s editorial on the African Social Forum
* Pan-African Postcard: UK finance head Gordon Brown’s Marshall Plan for Africa is likely to be thwarted by his own leadership battle with Tony Blair during an election year, writes Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem
* Conflicts and Emergencies: The chance to find out more about the underworld of coup plots in Africa is lost as Mark Thatcher does a deal
- The latest Justice Africa briefing looks at Sudan’s prospects for peace in the post-Naivasha phase
* Human Rights: Human rights organization in Rwanda shuts down
* Women and Gender: Benin moves closer to ratifying the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa
* Development: East Africa threatened by new trade negotiations
* Health and HIV/AIDS: Africa Focus asks: Will 2005 be a year of action for Africa?
* Environment: An interview With Nobel Peace Laureate Wangari Maathai gets to the heart of the matter

>>>>>

Dear Reader,

We have made some small adjustments to the newsletter this week. The Health section has been amalgamated with the HIV/AIDS section and we have closed down the Social Welfare section since much of the content can easily be reassigned to other categories.

The Land and Land Rights, Racism and Xenophobia and News from the Diaspora sections will from now on be included in the newsletter in the first edition of each month. The principle reason for doing this is that we currently lack resources to cover these subjects in depth every week. If you would like to help research information for inclusion in these sections, please get in touch with us ([email protected]).

The Editors

Demonstrations took place this week in Kinsasha, capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, over an announcement of a possible delay in planned 2005 elections. The threat of election delays comes after a turbulent 2004 in DRC politics. Last year ended with heightened tension in the east of the country with Rwanda threatening to pursue enemy forces into the DRC and fighting taking place for the control of several towns. Prof. Ernest Wamba dia Wamba answered some questions by email about what is happening in the DRC.

PZ: Last year ended with increased tension in the east of the country with reports indicating that Rwandan troops were operating in the DRC. What’s your reading of the situation?

EWDW: While information is not easily available, it does seem to be the case that the Interahamwe militants and ex-FR soldiers must have become more efficient. This means that they have continued to benefit from moral and/or material support from people in the DRC transition itself. It does reveal also the real problems of the functioning of the DRC transition.

At the signing of the peace accord, it was public knowledge what allies each participant had; it was known the RCD was an ally of Rwanda and that Rwanda was mostly concerned about the insecurity at its border with the DRC and the presence of the 'negative forces' that had to be disarmed. Despite the so-called Pretoria Memorandum of Understanding, there has not been any trust between parties at all. Within the DRC leadership, mistrust has been rampant. That situation makes it easy for all kinds of pursuits to take place. There is hardly a leadership around to make sure what may be agreed upon is actually carried out.

Since 1996, Rwandese troops have been in and out. Some deserters seem to have remained and are claimed to be around the mining zones (Walikali,etc.). Some advisers to RCD seem to have remained as well. Due to the hostility towards the 'Rwandophones' within the DRC and inside RCD, the process of army integration is not moving as it should be. This has created a division within the RCD former army; part of it, mostly composed of Tutsis or 'Rwandophones', is accused of having become mutineers. These seem to facilitate the 'infiltration' of Rwandese soldiers into the RDC. The DRC government suffers from division and inaction due to mistrust and antagonism of alliances. It appears more like there is no State at all. Both people and government expect the MONUC to handle the matter of the Interahamwe, etc.

PZ: How serious should the hostilities at the end of 2004 be taken and what are the implications for the transitional government in the DRC and peace in the Great Lakes region?

EWDW: It is serious in two ways. It happened just a few days after the signing of the Dar-Es-Salaam Declaration. One would have expected that the Declaration would have created a positive enough atmosphere to entice both countries to discuss, at the highest level, the matter and find a sustainable solution to it. It also happened when the DRC, running short of time, must accelerate the pace of preparation of the elections due by June 2005. This is why people felt that the conflict was restarted by people in both countries who are not favorable to the coming elections, to make sure these do not take place.

Rwanda and the DRC are neighbors. They have to find a way to live in peace together. Others should help them discuss among themselves and find a solution. Kagame and Kabila have to meet alone and come out with a solution.

PZ: The Great Lakes conflict involving Zimbabwe, Namibia, Angola, DRC, Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi is reported to have resulted in three million deaths and more than two million refugees and internally displaced people. Somehow it seems that the DRC crisis has played second fiddle to other international and regional concerns. Why do you think this is?

EWDW: It is not the first time that tragedy in the Congo has not been seen as needing urgent treatment by official representation of the international community.

The position by the international community towards Congo has always been that of treating the country as a sick person that needs to be kept alive in the intensive care unit, but not to allow him to fully recover; this would make it difficult to control him. Punishments have always been administered to anyone Congolese who has agitated for real self-determination. Lumumba and his companions' bodies were dissolved in acid to make sure none would imitate or get inspired by their actions. Mulele's body was cut in pieces and pieces were put in a sack and thrown into the Congo river. Of course, this is so since Haitian slaves challenged the slavemasters in 1804.

The invisibility of the number of deaths and the atrocious way of dying, not projected on TV as much as was the genocide of Rwanda, helps the international community not to feel bad over those deaths. And our so-called leadership, that went as far as to celebrate the genius of King Leopold II in the Belgian Parliament, is so submissive that the international community does not feel pressurized enough to act.

The African community, always complaining of lack of resources, has been put aside, with the exception of South Africa, whose model of transition we are following. We are far from Mwalimu's proposal for the DRC; he wanted the international community to let Africa, this time, resolve the crisis in the DRC - as they badly resolved it in the 1960s. After his death, we are back to the model of the 1960s. The international community has not yet overcome its guilt over its failure to do anything about the genocide in Rwanda and seems to be very lenient towards Rwanda.

PZ: South Africa has played a role in the peace negotiations in the DRC but the process seems to keep on stumbling against the same obstacles. What does this say about the South African approach to establishing peace on the continent in relation not only to the DRC, but also their involvement in the Ivory Coast?

EWDW: There seems to be a real discrepancy between what the South African leadership affirms as values which have to guide Africa in handling conflicts and the so-called political realism, money and civil servants' appreciation of criterias of selection, profiles of people to be placed in leadership positions and relationships with superpowers.

I believe that the DRC crisis could have been resolved differently. There was no real concern for the profiles of people, no concern for knowledge of the political history of the country (due to tendencies of paternalism and exceptionalism). This led to thinking that what is good for South Africa must be good for the DRC. It looked like a quick solution to the crisis was more important than whether or not the solution was sustainable. We hope, on this continent, that there is going to be a way of making constant critical evaluations of conflict resolution experiences and use of the results to correct possible future mistakes. Repeating what went on in the Congo in the 1960s is an indication that there is no accumulation of experience and that no global learning is taking place. It is good that South Africa contributes to establishing peace. It should not just be repeating the same approach. Results in Ivory Coast will show whether we are advancing or not.

PZ: What action needs to be taken to move forward and secure human rights in the region?

EWDW: First of all, we need to have a State in the DRC and move away from this claim that less State (almost no State at all) is best State. Post-conflict situations need a real State capable of addressing real problems with great works mobilizing a great deal of the now unemployed society. This means that we have to have an army (which we have never had since independence, a Mobutu's personalized army is no national or Republican army at all); we need a real public administration (we have never had it since independence; with the sudden departure of Belgian civil servants, promotions without merit did not lead to a real public administration at all); we need to reconstruct the State as a Federal State for all and not a Party State trying to equate society with a Party. Once the DRC is properly governed, the State to State relations with the neighboring countries will improve. Mistrust would be addressed by the confidence that will be returned to the country. A power is not loved but respected. Neighbors should not be made to love the DRC but respect should follow the kind of good neighborliness relationship of cooperation that will develop. I think that it is in the interest of the region and Africa that State confidence be returned to the DRC. The other issues will be dealt with more positively after that.

PZ: Further comments?

EWDW: I think I have said what I had to say. I sometime feel that the incremental approach that dominates the international community's way of handling the issues is itself a problem. Sometimes we need bold moves to actually solve once and for all the problems. I do feel like countries coming together in a federation or confederation in the great lakes regions, may force them to address problems in a much more trustful way than now.

* Professor Ernest Wamba dia Wamba is a historian who is serving as a senator in the transitional senate of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. He has taught at a number of universities including Harvard University and the University of Dar-es-Salaam.

* Please send comments to [email protected]

Three long-serving Southern African leaders bade farewell to high office in 2004 and handed power to their chosen successors after largely free and fair elections, a development welcomed by analysts in the region. Polls in Malawi, Namibia and Mozambique saw the ruling parties celebrating victories for the candidates in line to succeed veteran leaders Bakili Muluzi, Sam Nujoma and Joaquim Chissano. The wins were, with the exception of Malawi, substantial enough to cement "consensus one-party states", with parliamentary opposition weakened, and more prominent roles for civil society as a focus for dissent, analysts told IRIN.

Ethiopia is one of eight pilot countries undergoing assessments by the UN's Millennium Task Force on achieving the eight goals. Next week the government will release its own MDG report spelling out it requirements if it is to achieve the targets. Ethiopia needs greater policy reform, particularly in the private sector, to help achieve the 2015 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), a senior UN official said on Tuesday.

A statement by South Africa’s ruling party concerning judicial reform has sparked heated debate in the country. The war of words erupted after the African National Congress (ANC) said in a statement to mark its 93rd anniversary celebrations Saturday, that the judiciary did not share the aspirations of those who fought to end apartheid. This was the system of institutionalized racial segregation that prevailed in South Africa for over 50 years until 1994.

"As Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania are implementing the recently signed Customs Union Protocol, the European Union is undermining integration between the countries through trade negotiations which have seen the three countries split up in two different negotiating blocs", said Jane Nalunga from Seatini, Uganda, at a conference in Nairobi on the current trade negotiations between the EU and ACP countries. At this very moment a series of negotiations on crucial issues, such as agriculture, industrial goods and services, are going on - negotiations which will open East African markets to a flood of European goods and services. Forty civil society representatives from ten countries in Eastern and Southern Africa have gathered in Nairobi during two days to voice their concerns on the negotiations on the so called Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs).

Zimbabwean police have reported yet another clash between rival groups within the country's ruling Zanu PF. Police in the remote, central district of Gokwe say two groups of angry supporters - each backing different contestants in primary elections - clashed at a small rural business centre "damaging a lot of property".

South African Minister of Finance Trevor Manuel will host a meeting on the economic chapter of the Commission for Africa on January 17 and 18 in Cape Town, the National Treasury announced on Tuesday. Composed of top global policy makers, including Manuel, the Commission for Africa was formed by UK Prime Minister Tony Blair in February 2004 to advise on ways of dealing with the challenges facing Africa in the context of the United Nations' Millennium Development Goals and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad).

The world's richest countries are betraying promises made to help the poor in Africa according to a new CAFOD report, "Justice Not Charity". Rich countries committed in 2000 to the Millennium Development Goals aimed at reducing poverty by 2015, but they have produced neither the necessary financing nor policies to achieve them. As a result, Africa is way off track in meeting the MDGs by the 2015 target. For example, Africa will according to projections only halve the numbers of people living in absolute poverty by 2147.

The African Union called on the international community to take tougher action in Ivory Coast and Congo, two of the continent's biggest crises that risk destabilising their wider regions. Thirteen heads of state and ministers from at least 10 other nations met late into Monday night to try to revive faltering peace efforts in the two countries as well as in Sudan's Darfur region, anxious to show the African Union (AU) is more than just a talking shop.

Mozambique's main opposition party, RENAMO, will reserve action on its allegations of vote rigging till the country's supreme law-making body makes a ruling on the conduct of the December 2004 parliamentary and presidential elections. The former rebel movement's national council announced after meeting this week that although it rejected the election results, it would only call for elections in the areas where "irregularities" had been reported, according to Namubrete. Last month the party called for a re-run of the entire electoral process.