There is urgent concern from civil society over the diversion of attention and resources from development and economic and social justice to the military, the so-called 'war on terrorism' and war itself. This is according to a report that gives an overview of civil society engagement with the UN Millennium Declaration and its Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The report presents the findings of on an electronic survey of more than 270 civil society organisations, from over 82 countries, predominantly from the South, that have already been engaged with the UN and other international institutions. The report also states that there was a strongly held view among respondents that developed countries must demonstrate greater commitment to the MDGs and the creation of a true global partnership for development.

The "bribes" allegedly paid to Deputy President Jacob Zuma, which are at the centre of the corruption case against Schabir Shaik, have been explained away as mere donations to a charitable trust. The claim came as part of an all-out assault on the pillars of the state's case in the Durban High Court this week. Correspondence and meetings between Zuma, Shaik and Thomson-CSF officials were nothing more than attempts by Shaik to facilitate a donation by the arms company to the Jacob Zuma RDP Education Trust, Shaik's defence lawyer, Francois van Zyl, said.

All World Bank projects in Kenya are being investigated for possible corruption, it has been revealed. And a sampling of other donor schemes will also be audited, according to a statement by Finance minister David Mwiraria. The decision to launch the investigation follows the presentation of a report, last week, which showed the Kenya Urban Transport Infrastructure Project (Kutip) had lost millions of shillings through graft.

The Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the "green" World Bank, reflect attempts to regulate international flows of "natural capital" by means of ....green developmentalism. Green developmentalism, with its promise of market solutions to environmental problems, is blunting the North-South disputes that have embroiled international environmental institutions. By its logic, nature is constructed as a world currency and ecosystems become warehouses of genetic resources for the biotech industry.

With the success of George W. Bush in securing a second term by a clear majority, it is perhaps an opportune moment to reflect upon the impact of his administration upon US foreign policy from a specifically South-centric perspective focused upon the Third World i.e. Asia, Africa, the Pacific and Latin & South America. Such a review of US foreign policy will highlight the huge chasm that exists between American perceptions of its moral leadership of the world and the contrary view of the vast majority of the Third World which questions whether the US has exercised moral global leadership, and if it did, whether any remnants of this legitimacy remains. This huge disconnect between the way America perceives its role in the world and how the majority of the world perceives its actions in the international arena, particularly in the Muslim World, poses a major threat to world peace and multilateral cooperation.

Historical Context

The Allied victory in World War II resulted in the emergence of the Cold War with the global division of power between the West lead by the US and the Communist Bloc lead by the Soviet Union. During the two decades of the 1950s and 1960s, while the North was locked in the battle for global supremacy between the capitalist west and the communist east, the Third World experienced the most momentous period of its collective history since the advent of European colonialism some two centuries earlier. This was, of course, the era of decolonization when most of Africa, Asia and the Pacific threw off the yoke of European colonialism and achieved independence. These newly independent countries were admitted into the community of nations to find themselves faced with a global political landscape characterized by competition between the East/West blocs for global supremacy.

This intense rivalry presented the emerging nations of the Third World with a Hobbesian choice between the US and the USSR as sponsor, principal aid giver, arms supplier and protector with the other, perforce, as adversary. The rash of coups d'etat and armed insurrections in many African and Asian countries during the 1960s and 1970s was, in large part, a direct result of this superpower rivalry which exploited intra and inter-country conflicts and disputes to advance their respective geo-political interests. The Third World rapidly became a chessboard upon which Washington and Moscow could compete vigorously without having to come into actual, direct conflict with each other, thereby avoiding the nuclear nightmare of mutually assured destruction (MAD - that most apropos of acronyms).

From a Third World perspective, both superpowers filtered their policy towards the developing world through the prism of their own self interest which was firmly rooted in their geo-political rivalry. They both wanted the support of the newly independent ex-colonies in their struggle for global dominance, but if this support was not forthcoming voluntarily, then it would be coerced through inducements, threats, coups d'etat and naked military force. The foreign policy pronouncements of both superpowers at international forums were couched in terms of freedom, self-determination, human rights and justice, but these were no more than fig leaves behind which were hidden the ugly truths of superpower domination and control.

The Collapse of Communism & The Rise of the Hyperpower

The collapse of the Soviet bloc as a competitor to the US-lead West in the middle 1980s, heralded a new era in global politics the likes of which had not been seen since the 19th century - namely a new world order in which the economic, military and technological power of one nation is so overwhelming in comparison to all others that there is no restraint upon its exercise of that power, save those that it chooses to accept.

Some simple facts demonstrate this towering dominance of American power, e.g. in 2001 the defense budget of the US, at some US$350 billion, exceeded the aggregate of the next ten highest national defense budgets (including countries such as China, UK, Russia, France); in economic terms the US accounts for some 25% of global GNP, the US Dollar is the international exchange & reserve currency and the US debt and equity markets dwarf their counterparts across the globe; in the technological arena, the US leads innovation across all sectors (engineering, pharmaceutical, IT, communications and bio-chemistry) and accounts for the lion's share of global patents registered each year, while the computer, internet and communications revolutions originated in, and are lead by America.

In this context, the characterization of the US as the “hyperpower” by Jack Lange, a French Culture Minister, is not surprising but rather apt. By the 1990s, the US bestrode the world like a colossus the like of which had not been witnessed since ancient Rome or since the zenith of the British Empire during the 19th century. In this new world order, America's preternatural power makes its imprimatur essential for resolution of any international conflict, or the adoption of any international treaty or accord. It is a fact of modern diplomacy that any international initiative, accord or agreement, be it concerned with trade, economic development, dispute mediation or any other matter, will not succeed if it does not have the support of the US.

Many in the Third World were apprehensive at this American global hegemony, since they feared unchecked US power. However, these fears seemed unfounded as Bush Senior carefully built up the largest alliance of nations ever seen to evict Saddam Hussein from Kuwait in 1991, and then observed international law (and the realpolitik of maintaining his coalition) by not invading Iraq. Bush Senior's next projection of American power was into Somalia for the noble and humanitarian cause of feeding starving people who were being preyed upon by local warlords after the collapse of Siyad Barre's dictatorship. As the American & UN mission in Somalia metamorphosed from a purely humanitarian one into a political one of 'nation-building', it inevitably became enmeshed in the internecine war between the various warlords, leading eventually to their ignominious withdrawal. By the time Bill Clinton came to power, the fears of many in the Third World regarding America's unconstrained power had been allayed, if not put to rest. The US interventions in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo skirted international law by not securing UN Security Council approval, but were supported by its allies and approved of by the great majority of world opinion since the aims were laudably humanitarian and not self-serving. Under Clinton the US maintained the active role in mediating the Middle East dispute pursued under the previous Bush administration.

9/11 & the Rise of 'Pax Americana'

From the beginning, the George W. Bush administration signaled its departure from the broad foreign policy perspective common to the Clinton and Bush Senior administrations. The administration spurned the Kyoto Protocol on global warming - the only major industrial power to do so. Meanwhile President Bush voiced the new bellicosity of his foreign policy by labeling Iraq, Iran and North Korea as the “axis of evil”. The choice of three Third World countries (including an Iraq already debilitated by over a decade of sanctions), which could not conceivably pose the kind of threat to the US and the West that the Soviet Union had done, as the betes noir of US foreign policy seemed somewhat excessive.

Thus, it became apparent that the Bush administration foreign policy perspective presented a definitive break with the US foreign policy paradigm since the Reagan administration. This was an assertive administration that chose to project US power in the international arena at the expense of multilateral cooperation. It was in this context that the attacks of 11 September 2001 took place. The horror that the motley group of nihilist zealots perpetrated upon the US, and indeed upon the entire world, that day must rank as the most pivotal, single political act committed by a non-state actor since the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand in Sarajevo in 1914. The assassination of Ferdinand plunged Europe into the Great War, and the attack on New York and Washington DC launched the Iraq War and the rise of the American Empire.

In response to the attack on the US, the Bush administration has adopted a new foreign policy perspective characterized by preemption, unilateral action and repudiation of the sanction of international law (e.g. treatment of prisoners at Guantanamo Bay prison), imperial diktat brooking no disagreement, only acquiescence (e.g. the edict 'you're with us or with the terrorists'). The Bush administration has made the qualitative shift in its foreign policy from aggressive pursuit of US national interests, to imperial dictum whereby allies are 'invited' to join America in whatever action it proposes, while foes are confronted head on diplomatically and militarily. There is no dialogue, merely a presentation of a 'take it or else' proposition to friend and foe alike.

This strategy has unnerved many of America's traditional allies, principally Western Europe with the exception of Britain and Italy, as well as its traditional adversaries, i.e. Russia and China, who all worry that American military adventurism will result in a major dislocation of global stability. The failure to transform the stunning US military victory in Iraq into an equally successful transition to a stable, representative and, above all, functioning state is a savagely eloquent testament to the limits of imperial power. The belligerent stance of the US to other countries in the region that are not bending to its will, namely Syria and Iran, is an ominous portent of what is to come for these future targets of America's imperial policy.

Conclusion

The claim of American moral global leadership based upon the legitimacy of its foreign policy either in the past or at present is a non-sequitur that does not bear serious consideration. The fact is that the collapse of the Soviet bloc presented a golden opportunity for the world to develop, for the first time, an international political order governed by respect between nations and peoples underpinned by the rule of law. The leadership of America, as the world's hyperpower, is absolutely vital to this undertaking since it alone can ensure its success not only by the force of its example, but also by bringing its formidable powers to bear upon transgressors. During the 12 years of the Bush Senior and Clinton administrations, it seemed that, however hesitantly, the US was waking up to this responsibility to provide wise and thoughtful leadership in a world made increasingly smaller and yet more fractious by the divergent pulls of technological progress and identity.

The Bush administration's response to the first attack on US soil since Pearl Harbour has been to seek to impose a Pax Americana upon an increasingly obdurate world. America has chosen to force imperial dictum upon its enemies and allies alike, in the mistaken belief that through the application of its unparalleled military might it can make America safe from the world. This resort to militarist imperialism will inevitably fail since the world of the 21st century is not amenable to such crude constructs in the international political arena. One cannot help but wonder why, at the dawn of the 21st century, that the lessons of the 20th regarding the limits of imperial power and the futility of imposing political structures and leaders upon vanquished and/or weaker nations have to be learnt yet again, and at such horrendous human and material cost.

* This article was submitted to Pambazuka News by the author, a Somalilander who grew up in Europe and presently works in Saudi Arabia. Egal has a BA (Economics & Politics) from Warwick University and an MA (Area Studies [African Development]) from London University. He is currently Director of Finance & Business Development for a business group in Saudi Arabia.

* Please send comments to

The head of the African Union commission appealed Friday to newly elected United States President George W Bush to listen more closely to Africa, especially on problems of managing the continent's vast debt problem. Alpha Oumar Konare, head of the executive body of the AU, which replaced the ineffective Organisation of African Unity in 2002, said at his headquarters here: "Africa today needs new resources that cannot be provided any longer according to the old recipes...we have to put an end to head-in-the-sand policies and grasp the need for new ways of debt management."

Rights groups are sceptical of the ability of the proposed Somali government to address the thorny issues of human rights abuses which have been at the heart of the collapse of Somalia since 1991. Rights groups and women parliamentarians want the international community to help the proposed government to address the human rights violations, particularly rape. The groups have asked the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to appoint a Special Rapporteur on violence against women to lead a mission to Somalia, to establish the magnitude of violation of human rights.

On his retirement, Uganda's anti-corruption czar says no-one has dared tempt him with a bribe. But Jotham Tumwesigye, who has been fighting sleaze for eight years, says despite investigating 10 government ministers none had been charged. Those in top jobs are good at hiding evidence needed for court action, he told the BBC. During his tenure, he said he has made many enemies and attempts were made by some to reduce his powers.

Burundi's President Domitien Ndayizeye has sacked his deputy, Alphonse-Marie Kadege, a day after he voiced concerns on a referendum on the constitution. Mr Kadege had said he doubted the referendum would be held this month as scheduled, due to delays. Mr Kadege, a Tutsi, has repeatedly said the draft constitution gives too much power to the country's Hutu majority.

Kenya's wildlife head has been suspended amid allegations that he recruited trainee rangers recommended by politicians, officials say. Kenya Wildlife Service director Evans Mukolwe is presently being investigated by corruption officials. Kenya's Anti-Corruption Commission says investigations show 520 of nearly 1,000 trainee rangers were employed on the recommendations of politicians.

Gains in reducing infant and child mortality in Southern Africa are being eroded by the impact of HIV/AIDS, the 40th Regional Health Ministers' Conference for East, Central and Southern Africa was told. A paper by the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) regional health advisor, Dr Rumishael Shoo, warned that children continued to die from preventable diseases "for which we have known interventions", and that "without accelerated intervention efforts, many member states will not meet the [relevant] Millennium Development Goals" (MDG).

Ghanaian security officials on Monday were questioning a group of people picked up for allegedly plotting to overthrow President John Kufuor’s government, a month before the country holds key presidential and parliamentary elections. Authorities provided no details beyond a brief police statement saying the suspects were being held for “conspiracy to subvert the democratic government and perpetuate certain terrorist actions.” No charges have yet been pressed.

With an increasing number of children orphaned by HIV/AIDS seeking foster care, the HIV/AIDS epidemic is placing enormous pressure on South Africa's child welfare system. An estimated 18 percent of the country's children are orphans. According to the Medical Research Council (MRC), at least 5.7 million children could lose one or both parents to AIDS by 2015.

Most subsidies currently used by the USA and the EU are damaging to developing countries, says an Oxfam America report. This is proved by a recent WTO dispute settlement ruling that found US cotton subsidies to be contrary to WTO rules. The ruling followed a complaint by Brazil at the WTO. "If they are serious about development, the EU and the USA must agree to improved rules that will effectively end export dumping and reduce trade distortions," said the report, which also stated that the key demand of West African countries for a drastic reduction in US cotton subsidies had been vindicated by the ruling, strengthening their political case for urgent action.

The conference, in the spirit of the World Social Forum and its methodology of openness, plurality and respect for a diversity of views within popular movements of civil society, will create a space where activists, progressive social theorists and academics can discuss the successes, failures, strengths and weaknesses of the transition from apartheid.

A Review of “The World’s Banker, A Story of Failed States, Financial Crises, and the Wealth and Poverty of Nations” by Sebastian Mallaby (Penguin Press, October 2004)

In 'The World’s Banker', Sebastian Mallaby presents an insightful account of the World Bank during the presidency of James Wolfensohn. The author loses his cool when he discusses the role of advocacy groups that campaign against Bank projects, substituting research with polemic and a substantive debate with ideology.

“A fantastic force of nature”

Mallaby’s book centers on James D. Wolfensohn, and with good reason. Few other people have shaped the institution as much as its current President, whose second term ends in 2005. Mallaby portrays the subject of his fascination as a “screamer, schemer, seducer; Olympian, musician, multimillionaire; by no means a saint but by any standards a fantastic force of nature”.

'The World’s Banker' leads the reader through the many turns of James Wolfensohn’s presidency – the newcomer’s desire to “walk with the poor”, his decision to put the “cancer of corruption” on the agenda of his institution, Wolfensohn’s growing caution regarding controversial large-scale infrastructure projects, and his eventual return to such projects in the name of a new high-risk strategy. The author neglects other important topics. He gives short shrift to environmental issues. He does not discuss the Bank’s continued insistence on structural adjustment programs, even if under a different name. And he fails to mention how the Bank’s dogmatic privatization policies have wreaked havoc on the infrastructure and social sectors of many Southern countries.

Fundamental contradictions

Sebastian Mallaby claims that social and environmental safeguard policies have increased the cost of doing business with the World Bank to the point that industrializing countries like South Africa prefer to borrow from other sources. He strongly supports the backlash on social and environmental issues that is currently happening at the Bank as a move “back towards its future” (or maybe rather, forward towards its past).

Mallaby recognizes that the current weakening of Bank guidelines contradicts the efforts to fight corruption. “Wolfensohn’s two main instincts on development – that the Bank should listen to its clients, and that development depended upon noneconomic factors such as corruption – were in some ways in tension with each other”, he notes.
Yet his positions are marked by the same contradictions. He dismisses “the idea that you could ignore the political context and proceed by technocratic means alone”. Yet he supports the renewed promotion of large dams in repressive and corrupt countries like Laos. The author thus falls into the same technocratic trap that marks the Bank’s lending.

Mallaby insists that the World Bank should listen to the poor, and not to Northern environmentalists. He argues that it is unfair to apply what he calls the “Volvo” standards of the North in poor countries like Laos. Yet he unquestioningly assumes that Southern governments speak for the poor. He dismisses the safeguard policies, which give the poor a (limited) voice in Bank projects, as “infernal safeguards”. And he ignores that the environment may sometimes be considered a luxury issue in the North, but is a basic source of livelihood for poor people in many countries.

Research substituted by polemic

Sebastian Mallaby, a historian trained at Oxford, writes with British cool. Yet when he discusses the role of advocacy NGOs, he loses his gentlemanly style. With rapid fire, he disparages the NGOs as “ragtag legions” and “globophobes”. Mallaby argues that “discussions with the screamers from the Berkeley mafia will not get you anywhere”. He slanders the activities of International Rivers Network and other NGOs at considerable length. Yet in line with his own advice to the Bank, he did not bother to talk with these groups. He also spent very little time doing research for his book in Southern countries, let alone with project affected-communities.

As a consequence of his sloppy research, Mallaby’s accusations against campaigning groups are ill informed. In his opening salvo, he asserts that a campaign orchestrated by IRN stopped a dam in Uganda that even the affected communities supported. He does not mention that once they were displaced, the affected people found that the promises made to them were broken, and turned furiously against the dam. More fundamentally, the author ignores that Ugandan parliamentarians, civil society groups and academics opposed the Bujagali dam (and favored an alternative) because it was corrupt and excessively expensive. The project eventually collapsed because an anti-corruption investigation failed to clear it and the private investor withdrew from it.

Throughout his book, Mallaby accuses campaigning NGOs of being ill informed and ideologically biased. Given the many errors and misrepresentations in his own account, his accusations fall back on him and undermine the credibility of his book.

The UN’s Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has been mandated to prepare a report focusing on the responsibilities of transnational corporations and related business enterprises with regard to human rights. In particular, the report will list existing initiatives and standards, the scope and legal status of those initiatives and other issues.

dot-ORG has been working with the Rwandan National Electoral Commission (NEC) to strengthen the capacity of the NEC via information and communication technologies (ICTs). This support has included using pilot hand-held computers to collect and validate voter registration information. This article focuses on the field testing of the hand-held computers for voter registration.

A lack of resources has forced civil society actors to scale down on the number of observers to be trained and deployed in the upcoming election from 900 to 270, according to an election update by the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa. EISA said other factors likely to undermine election monitoring efforts included a late start to the sensitising, mobilising and training of observers at community level and inadequate publicity. But EISA also pointed to the role of other civil society organisations in the electoral process. "Other contributions are those of the National Society for Human Rights (NSHR), that started monitoring the electoral process by dispatching its human rights monitors to supplementary voter registration points, as well as to campaign rallies of political parties to monitor the extent to which parties are shouldering their responsibility towards ensuring an atmosphere for the free expression of political conviction, without threat or fear of intimidation."

The government has bowed to pressure to make public the wealth declarations of top officials, including the president, cabinet ministers and MPs. The decision to lift the veil of secrecy which the government had thrown over the contents of the wealth declaration forms filled out by public servants - including all the cadres of the military, judiciary and central government - is understood to have been taken after it was realized that continued secrecy was making a nonsense of efforts to contain high-level official corruption.