The Ferguson revolt and the struggle for leadership and correct ideas

On August 9, 2014 the police shooting of unarmed and submitting Michael Brown, an 18-year-old African American college bound teenager in Ferguson , Missouri, sparked an unrest which drew national and international attention. The Black teen was shot six or seven times by a white policeman, Darren Wilson. Ferguson erupted. Its spontaneous explosion is a powerful reminder that transformative events can arise from little known and “low” places. In its broader historical and global context, the Ferguson community will soon be forgotten as it returns to its “old” normal as the riots are reduced to a single occurrence of popular unrest in the village. Yet the upheaval is not an insignificant event. It exposed chronic social, economic and political problems in the American society, which disproportionately burdens the American working class.

The rebellion has a past. It’s the sequel to the unfolding American story innately calligraphed in the blood and tears of the defenseless and oppressed on the uneven, cracked canvass of the society. How leaders and the mass media choose to imagine the riot and explain to the public the critical issues involved, ultimately determines what will or will not be done. Their ideas, doctrines and attitude towards the community and the shooting of the teenager penetrates the mainstream of public debate and frames the issues. [1]

Unfortunately the reading and interpretations of the Ferguson “race” riot by the American media is either off the mark or spuriously outlined. Los Angeles Times using and interpreting statistical data outside of the wider economic and historical context of the reality of the Black working class demoted the problem to the absence of diversity in the police force and the ignorance of white police officers who are poorly trained in how to handle “unruly crowds.” [2] The Seattle Times regurgitated much of the same; however, drifting a shade toward the liberal spectrum it offered a solution that appeared to be no more than the partisan interests of the American Republican and Democratic parties by blaming the racist police officers and the systematic disenfranchisement of Black voters in some states around the country. According to The Seattle Times :

‘The community uprising in response to a troubling police shooting of an unarmed black teen in Ferguson, Mo., earlier this month is a predictable outcome of political disenfranchisement and an aggressive police culture...Study after study has warned that inexperienced and fearful police officers resort to force…tension caused by a political infrastructure that creates and maintains disproportionately composed police departments…Whatever the cause of the disparity—gerrymandering and voter apathy are usual suspects—its architects have derailed the fundamental precept of American governance: that people in a given community determine how that community functions. [3]

Nor have the wares offered by the Washington Post had more intrinsic value to the society than those peddled by The LA or Seattle Times. For Todd Frankel, the Ferguson issue is blurred. As he puts it,

‘Maybe it was how police reacted to what initially was a peaceful memorial service for Brown. Maybe it was the echoes of Trayvon Martin, the Florida teen gunned down by a neighborhood watch volunteer. Maybe the crowd sensed police weren’t taking their concerns seriously. It’s still unclear why, this time, tensions boiled over.[4]

Emily Badger of the said publication claimed more insight. She opines that,

‘There's a much broader piece of context here that has to do with a legacy of racial segregation in U.S. cities, which has eroded more slowly in St. Louis than many other big metros. St. Louis remains among the most segregated metropolitan areas in the country. According to data from Brown University's US2010 Project, looking at the 50 metropolitan areas with the largest black populations as of 2010, St. Louis ranks as the 9th most segregated’.[5]

In Badger’s view, the Ferguson problem amounts to no more than the remnants of St. Louis’ “Bleak House” inheritance from the nation’s passing apartheid history.

African American politician, Al Sharpton, gave the eulogy at Brown’s funeral. In his capacity he was a de facto representative of both the Democratic Party as well as the administration of President Barack Obama. Therefore his speech is worth considering within the mainstream framing of the political, social and economic issues implied in the barbaric shooting of Brown and the widespread protest that it triggered. Sharpton reinforced the position taken by the national and regional American media in the debate. He framed the problem in the following context:

‘Can you imagine their [Brown’s parents"> heartbroken? Their son taken, discarded and marginalized? And they have to stop mourning to get you [those protesting"> to control your anger, like you’re more angry than they are? Like you don’t understand that Michael Brown does not want to be remembered for a riot. He wants to be remembered as the one that made America deal with how we gonna police in the United States…We need the Congress to have legislation about guidelines in policing. We need to have a fair, impartial investigation. Those that are compromised will not be believed. And we need those that are bad cops – we are not anti-police, we respect police – but those police that are wrong need to be dealt with, just like those in our community are wrong need to be dealt with’.[6]

It’s no surprise that Sharpton, whose popularity in the Black community has significantly declined over the last five years, chastised the Black protestors for their uprising and then narrowly defined the problem as one of bad policing. The policy approach to such a problem, regrettably, can only be addressed by new national guidelines for policing.

African American intellectual Cornel West provides an alternative, broader and global context within which the national questions raised by Ferguson can be better explained and addressed. According to West:

‘The major culprit of democratic possibilities here and abroad is the ever-expanding market culture that puts everything and everyone up for sale. The expansion of corporate power driven by this pervasive commercialization and commodification for two basic reasons. First, market activities of buying and selling, advertising and promoting weaken nonmarket activities of caring and sharing, nurturing and connecting. Short-term stimulation and instant titillation edge out quality relations and substantive community. Second, private aims trump public aspiration. Individual success—sometimes by any means necessary—down plays fair and just transactions so workers and citizens power is weakened.’[7]

From West’s perspective the answer to the question raised by Ferguson can be answered by looking at the current neoliberal economic order and the values and attitudes bound up within it by the ruling elites. It is they who have the power to project that system with its despotic values—including racial attitudes-- in the nooks and crannies of the nation and abroad from which neither the Ferguson Black community nor the Ferguson police have an escape route. The white supremacist attitude expressed by the police is not a product of America’s poor working class communities (though infected by it) but instead values of the ruling class which has been bound up with the history of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, colonialism, the genocide of natives of the Americas and importantly, the economic system.

Contrary to Sharpton’s narrow perspective, the Ferguson uprising is one of America’s most important 21st century demonstration of racial comradeship among the American working class. It is a popular rebellion against the conditions created by the global economic order described by West and exposed the contradictions of the period of American history when some intellectuals claimed that the country has entered a “post racial” stage in race relations exemplified by the election of the nation’s first Black President, Barrack Obama.[8]

While the civil rights struggles of the 20th Century have had important successes in protecting the fundamental rights of African Americans and other minorities from racial discrimination, the country has had a long history of race conflicts and racists killing of Blacks which have ignited civil unrests. When the Black Nationalist and Pan-Africanist Marcus Garvey arrived on the American seen in 1916, he observed that black folks received little or no protection at all from the US government system—federal, state or local. In fact some government officials were active participants in the crimes perpetrated against blacks. Among the most widely cited race riots of the early 20th century were the following:

a) Atlanta Riots of 1906--White-on-Black race riots;
b) The East St. Louis Riot of 1917--White rioters killed 100 blacks—men, women and children;
c) The Omaha and Chicago Riots of 1919, “Red Summer” which inspired the militant Harlem Renaissance Poem, “If We Must Die” by Claude McKay[9]; and
d) The Tulsa Riots of 1921 during which Blacks rose up in opposition to lynching.

Marcus Garvey in a speech on July 8, 1917 stressed the role of government officials in the instigation of the East St. Louis massacre. According to Garvey:

‘The East St. Louis Riot, or rather massacre, of Monday [July"> 2nd, will go down in history as one of the bloodiest outrages against mankind for which any class of people could be held guilty...Mayor Mollman of East [S]t. Louis, if [no">t himself a German, descendant of German immigrants, he is the man to be blamed for the recent riots in East St. Louis. I say so because I am convinced that he fostered a well arranged conspiracy to prevent black men migrating from the South much the loss of Southern Farmers who for months have been moving heaven it seems to prevent the exodus of the labor serfs of the South into the North’. [10]

African American workers who heard Garvey expressing unambiguously and to the American state their own views and understanding of their betrayal by the government, the media and trade unions applauded vigorously. Garvey underscoring the combination of race, labour and property interests which influenced the character and management of the riot, concluded:

‘It was not until property was destroyed in which the Chamber of Commerce was most interested that the officers of the body let the Mayor know that he must do his duty. It was not through over-population or through scarc[i">ty of work why East. St. Louis did not want Negroes. It was simply because they were black men. For Mayor Mollman himself said months ago that East St. Louis was badly off for laborers as many of the plants could not get hands to operate them… after the massacre the Legislature of Georgia sent out the message that their good Negroes must come home as they will treat them better than East St. Louis did. Can you wonder at the conspiracy of the whole affair? White people are taking advantage of black men today because black men all over the world are disunited. (Loud and prolonged cheers)’. [11]

The period in which the race riots occurred was not one of economic crisis for American industrials, commercial farmers or its financial capitalists. Instead it was a period of economic boom as documented in the banking records of the Southern bank, Branch Banking and Trust Company (BB&T). Sidney Graham Mewborn, President of BB&T (1915-1924), described the years, financially successful for the bank. [12] World War I increased the demands for American products and food. Prices soared. The economic boom was also reported in the press. In North Carolina that year “the Daily Times began putting in large headlines above its masthead: “Plant every available foot of land in food crops.” [13]

America’s economic growth continued even in 1919 when the race riot of “Red Summer” erupted. According to Vidette Bass: “As the demands for products and food were met, prices soared. All types of producers found markets for their products and in 1919, the war over, prosperity seemed to have arrived.” [14] That a race riot would erupt in such a period of economic growth and overabundance of job opportunities, on the surface appears to be an inexplicable contradiction. However according to one observer:

“[I">n Chicago, where a race riot took place, the riot was deliberately provoked by the employers. Sometime before it actually broke out, the black and white meatpackers had struck and had paraded through the Negro quarter in Chicago with the black population cheering the Whites in the same way that they cheered the blacks. For the capitalists this was a very dangerous thing and they set themselves to creating race friction. At one stage, motor cars, with white people in them, sped through the Negro quarter shooting at all whom they saw. The capitalist press played up the differences and thus set the stage and initiated the riots that took place for dividing the population and driving the Negro back upon himself.” [15]

The pattern that can be seen in the analysis by non-mainstream observers of riots of the early 20th century is that they were either directly or indirectly incited by employers and even the media, playing up differences among African American and white workers. Therefore targeting only the employees of the ruling class, such as the triggerman Darren Wilson, the police officer who shot Michael Brown, whitewashing the underlying social and economic conditions that led to the riot. It is true that the present is not disconnected from the past. The resurgence of the problem is correctly noted in the Asian publication, Global Times which drew its readers attention to the spate of popular unrests in recent American history emanating from anti-Black violence, among which are the following: The Cincinnati riots of 2001; the St. Petersburg, FL, riot of 1996; the Los Angeles Riots of 1992; and the Crown Heights , Brooklyn, NY riot of 1991. [16] Kappeler in his examination of “A brief history of slavery and the origins of American policing” pointed out that:

“The birth and development of the American police can be traced to a multitude of historical, legal and political-economic conditions. The institution of slavery and the control of minorities, however, were two of the more formidable historic features of American society shaping early policing. Slave patrols and Night Watches, which later became modern police departments, were both designed to control the behaviors of minorities”. [17]

Kappeler has departed from the idea of the mainstream by showing the historical relationship of American policing to the development of the nations, legal, political and economic systems. Hence the germ at the core of the Black community’s pain and suffering in Ferguson cannot be simplistically treated with only new policing guidelines when the root of the matter is in the economic system, which is global. The struggle of the Black community is a continuation of its historical struggles against economic oppression in the American society.

The formulation of a correct national solution to social problems with deep economic and political roots--such as the Ferguson case which exploded as race riots-- requires correctly identifying the germ of the problem and expressing it in the mainstream with correct ideas that are guided by the principle of creating a good and just society—taking the high road. That is the hallmark of good leadership and a fundamental requirement for good public policy. Explaining important social problems by their signs and symptoms can only lead to the superficial “quick fix” and bad policy outcomes. Unfortunately the national Black leadership and the American media have already framed the mainstream ideas on Ferguson as primarily the problem of poor police training and the ignorant racism of white police officers. They have taken the low road. In the 21st century the American majority must work in solidarity to transcend the boundaries established by the nation’s identity politics to reframe the debate, reposition the failing policies of its ruling elites with polices of its own and in its own best interests.

* Lloyd McCarthy, author of the book In-dependence from Bondage: Claude Mckay and Michael Manley : Defying the Ideological Clash and Policy Gaps in African Diaspora Relations. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2007. He is a former policy director in the office of the prime minister, Jamaica during the Patterson administration.

END NOTES

[1] Lippmann is credited with making the point that, “The way in which the world is imagined determines at any particular moment what men will do.” Lippmann, Walter. Public Opinion. New York: Free Press, 1965; Frame Work Institute (2002). “Framing Public Issues,” frameworksinstitute.org, Washington D.C., p.1, http://tinyurl.com/qxg3ubk FramingPublicIssuesfinal.pdf
[2] Editorial: “Ferguson's police force can learn from LAPD” http://tinyurl.com/noo7qw2
[3] “Editorial: Racial disparities are behind Ferguson, Mo., unrest” Seattle Times. http://tinyurl.com/q5r2cdl
[4] Frankel, Todd C. “Why the police-shooting riots in Ferguson, Mo., had little to do with Ferguson.” Aug. 12, 2014, Washington Post. http://tinyurl.com/lj8wk8u
[5] Badger, Emily. “Why riots erupted in one of the most segregated metro regions in the country.” Washington Post, Aug. 11,2014. http://tinyurl.com/pz3pf9b
[6] Associated Press. “Al Sharpton Rouses Crowd With Fiery Speech at Michael Brown’s Funeral” Aug. 25, 2014; Black Americaweb.com
[7] West, Cornel. Race Matters. Boston: Beacon Press, 1993, ix.
[8] Chideya, Fari, Dr. Ron Walters and Dr. Sherrilyn Ifill. [Interview"> “Assessing Black Leadership.” National Public Radio (NPR), June 11, 2008 Wednesday, pp. 1-4
[9] Lloyd McCarthy is author of the book: In-dependence from Bondage: Claude McKay and Michael Manley: Defying the Ideological Clash and Policy Gaps in African Diaspora Relations. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2007, p.36-37.
[10] UNCTV/pbs.org, http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/garvey/filmmore/ps_riots.html/; Hill, Robert A. ed. The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, Volume I, 1826 - August 1919. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983.
[11] UNCTV/pbs.org, http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/garvey/filmmore/ps_riots.html/; Hill, Robert A. ed. The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, Volume I, 1826 - August 1919. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983.
[12] Bass, Vidette, and Ken Hamrick. Bb&t: A Tradition with a Future. Wilson, NC: Branch Banking and Trust Co, 1992.,p.42
[13] Bass, Vidette, and Ken Hamrick. Bb&t: A Tradition with a Future. Wilson, NC: Branch Banking and Trust Co, 1992.,p.42
[14] Bass, Vidette, and Ken Hamrick. Bb&t: A Tradition with a Future. Wilson, NC: Branch Banking and Trust Co, 1992.,p.42
[15] Trotsky, Leon and C. L. R James (J.R. Johnson). “Self-Determination for the American Negroes.” Coyoacan, Mexico. April 4, 1939, Reprinted in International Socialism, No.43, April/May 1970, pp.37-38.; http://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/isj/1970/no043/trotsky2.htm
[16] Global Times: http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/876665.shtml; Source:Xinhua Published: 2014-8-17 18:55:45; Web, Aug. 19, 2014
[17] Kappeler, Victor E. “A Brief History of Slavery and the Origin of American Policing,” Eastern Kentucky University Police Studies, http://tinyurl.com/o5r6tb4.Web 8/18/14

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