BLACK AFRICAN MIGRATION TO THE MEDITERRANEAN

Algiers, January 2001

It is with a sad note that I begin this report, bringing to your attention a disturbing development in European Union policy aiming to displace the Union's southern frontiers to North Africa. The most worrying fact is that, by ignorance or contempt, the EU does not appear to acknowledge the disastrous impact of its actions as well as the deadly consequences it will bring in years to come.

Over the last two years, North Africa, and to some extent the whole southern coast of the Mediterranean, has become a 'dead end zone'. It is in this zone that Black African migrants are endlessly victimized for having committed the 'sin' of deserting the misery, persecutions and conflicts of their countries in search of a better life. "I left my mother, brothers and sisters because I could no longer provide for their needs. I reassured my mother by telling her that working abroad will enable me to resolve the economic problems if our family" says a Congolese woman.

A young man from Liberia tells: "The government kidnapped my father and my mother is a poorly educated person. When rebels began to threaten the people of our region, I found myself obliged to flee our country in order to feed my mother, wife and children. Now they are all in Guinea, but I don't know where exactly".

Migrants come from practically all over Black Africa. Some choose to go towards Algeria, then Morocco. Others, are more attracted by Libya and the many petrodollar fairy tales. Migrants from East-Africa find it easier to go directly to Egypt and the Middle East, an area already packed with Asian migrants. Nevertheless, it is not unusual to meet in Algiers a person who has migrated across Egypt, Libya and finally Tunisia.

When deciding to leave their country, migrants do not always picture Europe as their principal destination. Their first aim is to reach a place where they can access the necessary means to provide for their families; in other words they are searching for a basic right that their own country will never be able to guarantee. Let us not forget that for an important minority of migrants, remaining in their country poses a serious threat to their lives. Persecuted migrants are pressed by time and thus do not necessarily think of moving as far away as the Mediteranean. Some stop off in various countries, attempt to establish themselves and find decent employment, only to face similar difficulties and levels of oppression than in their country of origin. It is then and only then that projects of journeys towards the Mediteranean coasts begin to form and grow. This "big lake", to paraphrase Yasser Arafat, is pictured as surrounded by countries comparatively more powerful and prosperous than Black African nations. Migrants, heading towards the mediteranean, are convinced that their future in these countries will be happier than the lives they have left behind.

North Africa is the first hurdle on the journey to Europe. There, Black African migrants are faced with the notorious crossing of the Sahara desert. By foot or by truck, the journey demands a lot of strength and courage. A young Ivorian, exhausted and depressed, tells: " Brother, we are dying in this desert and nobody cares about it. The only thing I have to drink is my friend's urine". A Congolese narrates: "In the Libyan desert we passed trucks crammed with luggage and surrounded by human skeletons". A Nigerian man explains:" Life is not worth living anymore. We were a group of eighteen and we left a sister [friendship term] in the desert by fear of the police and the Algerian army. She fell in a well and broke her collar bone; she was screaming so loud, we were afraid her cries would alert the police."

On reaching North Africa or the East Mediteranean, some migrants decide that the adventure ends here and, with much effort and assistance, they attempt to settle down and integrate the community. Too tired to continue the journey, they make do with the slim opportunities offered by these host countries (tiny improvement of living conditions and security). At this early stage, however, many migrants realize that it is not wise to hope for much from Maghrebese and Machrek societies. Europe is the solution to their problems. But what type of Europe are migrants thinking about? None other than the Europe of freedom of movement, of work and thoughts. The prosperous Europe that sends funds to African governments and keeps them in power. The amazing Europe, as seen on TV, that appears to be overflowing with wealth. Most importantly, the home of many friends and relatives who, mobile phone in hand, do not hesitate to send gifts and money through the Western Union. A promised and well-protected land to reach at all costs.

Passing through North Africa, migrants are treated like slaves in the work place. The strongest amongst them manage to gather low incomes by working various unskilled jobs. From Algiers some go on to Oran but promptly continue their travels, not willing to compete with the hundreds of Algerians also attempting to reach Spain through smuggling syndicates. This particular smuggling network is reportedly organised by Algerians who are not very keen to allow Black Africans through the tight illegal crossings. At this point, black migrants become rapidly aware that many people in southern Mediteranean regions share their attraction for Europe. Furthermore, despite the relative possibility of obtaining Visas, North Africans are also prepared to migrate illegally. This however, does not deter Black African migrants from fulfilling their plans of a better life. They pay the smugglers the high price they demand and arrive in Morocco.

In Morocco, unable to cross the border walls of Ceuta or Melilla crudely fortified by European Union spending, migrants find themselves in a human trap. Millions of dollars have been spent on installing cameras, computerised people detectors and spotlights. Trapped in Morocco, Black Africans face countless attacks and humiliations. The tales of terror are endless. A crying woman from Cameron recalls: "My husband was protecting me. They battered him to death in front of me". A woman from Congo confides: "A friend had her womb destroyed by six men raping her. She is no longer able to give birth". A Nigerian explains: "We attempted to jump the wall in Ceuta but failed. The Moroccan police arrested us. Those who resisted were stripped naked, beaten and thrown in pools of freezing water. After a short detention, the judges ruled out, without hearing our declarations, that we were illegal migrants and that we would be sent back to our countries. The next night the police escorted us to the Algerian frontier".

Things move quickly on the Algerian side. Police frequently deport large amounts of people back to Mali and Nigeria. Nevertheless, recent developments show Nigerian and Malian authorities refusing to open their borders to migrants of other nationalities. In Tunisia, migrants are led back towards the Libyan desert. Whether the deported migrants live or die in the desert does not concern the authorities responsible for these arbitrary and cruel procedures. In Libya, the government itself seems to be turning a blind eye when it comes to xenophobic actions and massacres of foreigners. In Libya, illegal migrants are regularly imprisoned for lack of adequate papers. These are but a few examples of human rights violations imposed by European Union policies. What we have before our eyes are violations carried out in the name of protecting and serving the best interests of the European population, of ensuring the defence of the European block.

Nevertheless, it appears that with time things are beginning to change thanks to developments in the public sphere of the mediteranean countries subject to a large influx of migrants. Media organs, which by choice or obligation once ignored the phenomenon, are now showing an overt interest in covering migrants' issues. This is creating waves of dialogue, which would not have been possible in a few years ago. Debates on the subject are being set up bringing together diverse representatives of Maghrebese society (teachers, judges, students…) striving to discuss their opinions on the matter. The migrants' issue is being addressed directly to governments, who are constantly being questioned and asked to respond pragmatically. In Lebanon, for example, the authorities are now issuing a percentage of migrants work permits. In Morocco and Algeria, the HCR is urging governments to implement asylum seekers conventions. We are working to promote people's rights and dignity by closely collaborating with western NGO's such as CCFD and Caritas. These NGO's monitor the evolution of the migration situation and have a genuine desire to participate in the development of the poorest regions of the south.

Finally, Europe must remember that the reinforcement of its frontiers will not resolve the problem of illegal migration. Those benefiting from these extreme measures of security are none other than the mafia of Europe, groups specializing in smuggling migrants through borders. Differences in living standards between the North and the South will not help Europe in its struggle against migration. Europe has become a giant magnet attracting people from the Third World in search of a better life and will remain as such for many years to come. Capital is still flowing from the Third World into Western pockets and Europe seems to be disregarding one basic economic fact: employment follows capital and people follow employment. Speaking at a UN meeting in Algiers, the head of the WFP (World Food Program) said:" In ancient times in wild Africa, people migrated following herds heading for the greenest fields. Nowadays it is after work that people chase in order to feed their loved ones. They go and find work and happiness wherever they happen to conceal themselves, even thousands of kilometres from home!"

A few facts and figures:

Caritas-Libya research has found that over 150,000 people from Africa and Asia migrated to Libya in 1999-2000. 60% were women. Work permits have been issued to one third of this population.

In Egypt's case there is a lack of recent and objective statistics. Nevertheless, we are aware that Egypt receives a large number of migrants from Africa and Asia (a few thousands each year). A majority of migrants to Egypt are said to come from Sudan.

Following the implementation of a new migration policy within Africa (OUA agreements), Libya is said to have experienced a large increase in its migrant population. From 50,000 in 1998, to close to 150,000 in 2000. The numbers include people from all nationalities. We think, however, that these are under-estimated figures.

We do not dispose of official figures concerning Tunisia and it's migrant population. Caritas-Tunisia informs us of a large afflux of Algerian migrants who present themselves at Caritas seeking assistance.

In Algeria, the Maghnia 'camp' on the Moroccan border held, in mid-2000, 2,500 people from all nationalities. Around Algers there was an estimated similar number of migrants. According to the HCR, 30,000 migrants entered southern Algeria during the year 2000.

Morocco does not dispose of official migration figures. Nevertheless, it is certain that the country is host to a far superior number of migrants than Algeria and Tunisia.