Angolan private media under pressure

On 4 June an unknown group called Media Investments announced that it was buying three private newspapers in Angola. The purchase of A Capital, Semanário Angolense and 40 per cent of the stakes in Novo Jornal was allegedly solely motivated by ‘market factors’.

Angola’s media landscape is largely dominated by the state, which owns two national television stations, the national radio broadcaster, the daily national newspaper and the national press agency. All these outlets operate country-wide. The Catholic Rádio Ecclesia and private newspapers, which are all perceived to be quite critical of the government, are only accessible in the country’s capital, Luanda.

The parliamentary elections of September 2008 were won with an overwhelming majority by the country’s ruling party, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). This resulted in a void left by the political opposition to be filled by civil society. Private media have been playing an important role in counterbalancing the political hegemony. By questioning government policies and bringing corruption cases and human rights violations to light, the private press in Angola has come to constitute an increasingly critical element in voicing people’s concerns.

Various journalists of the private media have been intimidated, prosecuted or detained by the state in the past. However, with the recent adoption of a new constitution and calls for greater transparency, the Angolan government is increasingly asserting itself as a democratic multi-party state which guarantees freedom of expression and media plurality and even urges journalists to be ‘investigative, serious and responsible’ in their coverage. Therefore, pressure on Angolan media seems to be applied more indirectly, through economic means.

Private newspapers in Angola are heavily dependent on advertising revenue. The impact of the global economic crisis caused a backdrop in this income, resulting in increased production costs and subsequent reduced circulation. However, certain intentional cuts in advertising have also been made. An example is the alleged suspension of advertisements in A Capital by Unitel, the country’s biggest cell phone provider, after the paper criticized the daughter of Angolan President Isabel dos Santos, who is also an important shareholder of Unitel.

At the same time, new private media groups with suspected links to the government, such as Media Nova and Score Media, have started to enter the stage – opening the TV station TV Zimbo, as well as various newspapers and magazines and offering attractive salaries to lure the journalists of the established private media. This has led some to wonder whether Media Investments’ move is another covert strategy to silence the private media.

A more important question is: why did the papers let themselves be bought out? Semanário Angolense founder and director Graça Campos and his partners even signed an agreement disallowing start-up of another paper. Were they also motivated by market factors or did they simply give up the fight?

During this year’s World Press Freedom Day on 3 May, Angolan journalists claimed to be satisfied with press freedom in the country, saying that nowadays journalism can be practiced ‘without censorship’ and ‘free from any pressure’. However, in a country where the private sector is heavily politicised, private media find themselves in an increasingly vulnerable position. Given the importance of a free press in a democratic country, it is clear that new ways need to be found to make journalism economically sustainable in order to guarantee its independence.

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* Sylvia Croese is an independent Dutch-Angolan researcher and consultant based in Luanda.
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