Review of Issa G. Shivji's 'Pan-Africanism or Pragmatism?'

Issa G. Shivji’s book offers a thrilling account of the rift between the ideals of Pan-Africanism and the realities of politics as practised by the first generation of African nationalist leaders who posed as staunch Pan-Africanists. This is the first study on the union from a Pan-Africanist perspective. In his introduction, the author correctly argues that the creation of the union was much more inspired by pragmatism and Cold War politics than by the spirit of Pan-Africanism.

The author is a renowned legal scholar and a prolific writer who has written extensively on the union theme. Needless to say, this book is a product of many years of research and reflection. Currently, the author occupies the newly established Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Chair in Pan-African Studies, based at the University of Dar es Salaam. Although trained in law, Shivji typically adopts an interdisciplinary approach in his analysis, and this book is no exception. Much of this work has apparently been written from a political science rather than a legal perspective. This interdisciplinary approach, in my view, has been very effective in providing a sound context for the subsequent legal interpretation and analysis of the union.

The organisation of the book allows the reader to easily follow the narrative and comprehend both the political events and legal controversies around the union. The book is divided into six chapters, excluding the introduction and conclusion, although the latter is long enough to constitute a separate chapter. The first chapter talks about race, class and politics on the eve of the revolution. The book progresses through the revolution, the union, Julius Nyerere’s interim constitution and Abeid Karume’s extra-constitutionality, constitutional opening and closure leading to Aboud Jumbe’s downfall and finally a conclusion presenting clear lessons for Pan-Africanism. The book contains useful appendices including the Articles of Union, the Ratification Law by Tanganyika Parliament and Ratification Law purportedly passed by the Zanzibar Legislature. It also includes a detailed bibliography with both primary and secondary sources.

The book is both interesting and instructive. The author has managed to raise several key issues relating to the revolution and the union, and their resultant political and legal problems. Using a case-study approach, the author critically assesses the commitment to Pan-Africanism among nationalist leaders, and more specifically, Julius Nyerere.

The issues raised in the book are of great relevance today. The Zanzibar conflict still remains unresolved, with the political legitimacy and legality of the union being still common themes in the seemingly endless debate on the union, when the spirit of Pan-Africanism seems to get a new impetus through regional integration arrangements, as well as through continental schemes for the promotion of African union.

The author has used a combination of methods in presenting his thesis. In a succinct and systematic way, he uncovers new evidence and provides very interesting narratives in support of his main thesis and other emerging themes in the book. However, methodologically, the book seems to be considerably dominated by elitist narratives at the expense of popular discourses. The latter would have demonstrated the relevance and utility of the union today by bringing in people’s perceptions that would have shown congruence or incongruence with the ruling elite’s perception. In Chapter One, he provides the background and setting of his study. His description of Zanzibari society on the eve of the revolution – socially and ethnically polarised with the degree of polarisation hiked during the era of politics (zama za siasa, i.e., 1950s to independence) – correctly captures the realities of the time. In this chapter, the author talks about social classes, ethnic cleavages and regional differences between Unguja and Pemba, factors which significantly shaped pre-independence political parties and nationalist struggles. Unlike most scholars who view competing nationalist outlooks in Zanzibar as an ethnic contest pitting Arabs against Africans, Shivji views the contest as one between Zanzibari and African [black] nationalism. This perspective in essence challenges the conventional wisdom to which most politicians and scholars subscribe, particularly those from the mainland. The author, correctly in my view, argues that 'if Zanzibari nationalism was rooted in culture, African nationalism was rooted in race' (p. 19).

In Chapter Two, the author attempts to explain the revolution, another highly contentious issue in Zanzibar’s politics. The centre of the controversy is not essentially how it was carried out but rather who was actually behind it. The author starts off his analysis by identifying what he calls 'the two mythologies' (p. 41) on the Zanzibar revolution. The first one is represented by 'the so-called autobiography of John Okello, self styled Field Marshall of the insurrection' (p.41), while the second is presented as the 'official' account of the revolution. Questioning the authenticity of these two versions, the author explores other sources to construct his view on the issue including 'primary documents in the British archives verified against interviews with some Zanzibari actors as well as secondary published sources' (p.42). In my view, the author has used those methods with great sophistication, and makes a significant contribution to the seemingly endless controversy over the forces behind the revolution, but the mystery about these forces still remains.

As in the first chapter, the author refers to a 'mainland perspective to the Zanzibar revolution which explains the political contradictions in Zanzibar as a political and social contestation between the two competing nationalisms – African [black] nationalism versus Zanzibari nationalism.' What is not clear from the author’s analysis is whether Nyerere and his associates were really ignorant of the actual societal configuration in Zanzibar or whether they advocated that perspective out of political expediency of practising hegemonic control over the islands of Zanzibar. It may be a plausible hypothesis to assume that Nyerere was aware that the political conflict in Zanzibar was not in essence a tussle pitting an African majority against an Arab minority, but rather an ideological conflict pitting Zanzibari nationalism – conscientiously guarding the sovereignty of Zanzibar – against an African [black] nationalism exploiting a racial category to cling to power by extracting considerable support from the mainland.

In Chapter Three, Shivji characterises the union in terms of both its origin and evolution as a 'pragmatic' outcome which was not significantly informed by Pan-Africanist principles and ideals, saying: 'There is no doubt that the process of the formation of the Union was fraught with legal manipulation and political expediency' (p. 99). It was essentially a matter of political survival for Karume, and of dealing with the perceived imminent threat of Zanzibar on the part of Nyerere. To illustrate the enormity of Nyerere’s fear, the author quotes one of his most famous statements of his perception of Zanzibar, a few years before Tanganyika’s independence: 'If I could tow that island out into the middle of the Indian Ocean, I’d do it' (p. 76). The author argues, correctly in my view, that 'Since he [Nyerere] could not, he towed it into the mainland, ironically realising his other fear that Zanzibar will become a headache for us [Nyerere and Tanganyika].' Indeed, according to Shivji, 'Zanzibar has become a headache for him as long as he lived and continues to be a headache' (p. 76).

As in his previous works on the union, here too Shivji re-engages himself in the unresolved controversy over the ratification of the Articles of Union by Zanzibar. Interestingly, however, in this book the author has managed to bring into the debate new sources of evidence in support of the assertion that the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council never met to ratify the Articles of Union (pp. 78–93). The new sources of evidence include a minute dated 3 June 1964 and written by D.F.B. La Breton, an officer in the British Commission in Dar es Salaam (p.87), and an affidavit sworn by Salim Rashid, then secretary to the Revolutionary Council and the cabinet in the Zanzibar High Court case of Rashid Salum Adiy & 9 Others vs. Attorney General & 4 Others of the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar (No. 20 of 2005). Based on the analysis of old and new sources of evidence, in this book the author seems to be more definite in his conclusion: 'Finally, it is also very clear that the Revolutionary Council never enacted any law, nor did it even go through the motion of making any law, ratifying and giving the Articles force of law' (p. 90).

In Chapter Four the author narrates what transpired after the union and gives an interesting account of Karume’s attitude towards the union. He correctly describes the character of Karume and his rule as autocratic, despotic and racist, committing a wide range of atrocities against his real and perceived opponents (p.112), some of which continued during the early years of Aboud Jumbe. Whereas Nyerere was apparently disturbed by those atrocities, the author correctly asserts that he tolerated them for the sake of sustaining the union. This, according to the author, was a glaring deviation from the principles and ideals of Pan-Africanism.

The question of Nyerere’s vision of the union and Jumbe’s consolidation of his powers and the drafting of the Permanent Union Constitution is dealt with in Chapter Five. According to the author, Nyerere’s vision of consolidating the union and Jumbe’s attempt to consolidate his power by neutralising the power of the Revolutionary Council through the party merger in 1977 were at the expense of Zanzibar’s autonomy. But since single-party supremacy was the pillar of the new constitutional order, Shivji argues, the union continues to be fragile in the context of multiparty politics (p. 180). In Chapter Six, Shivji continues the argument emerging in the previous chapter on the constitutional order of the union based on single-party supremacy and its consequences on Zanzibar’s autonomy, eventually culminating in the downfall of Aboud Jumbe in 1985.

In his conclusion, Shivji presents some basic lessons for Pan-Africanism. Among the challenges he identifies for Pan-Africanism is the issue of 'competitive and conflicting nationalisms – cultural, racial and territorial – that pervade the African continent' (pp. 244–45). His conclusion ends with a dilemma, as he puts it: 'Can the Tanzanian unity be built on the foundation of existing and growing racial and cultural nationalism?' (p.247). He does not provide the answer to that paradox, but it is good food for thought.

In 'Pan-Africanism or Pragmatism? Lessons from Tangayika-Zanzibar Union', Issa G. Shivji has sufficiently argued his case and proved that the union in terms of both its origin and evolution has been largely shaped by pragmatism and political expediency at the expense of the fundamental principles and ideals of Pan-Africanism.

This book is a valuable addition to the literature on Pan-Africanism, Zanzibar politics and the Tanganyika–Zanzibar Union in particular. It is timely in the context of the ongoing debate on the union, the emerging East African cooperation, the envisaged East African Political Federation and the African Union.

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* Issa G. Shivji's 'Pan-Africanism or Pragmatism? Lessons of the Tanganyika–Zanzibar Union' is published by Mkuki na Nyota, Dar es Salaam, in association with OSSREA, Addis Ababa, pp xix + 313 (text: 253), ISBN: OSSREA 978-9994-455-21-8, Mkuki na Nyota 978-9987-449-99-6, $25.00, paperback.
* Mohamed Bakari is a member of the [email protected] or comment online at Pambazuka News.