Union leaders in Guinea are threatening to call another nationwide strike starting next Monday (February 12), but emergency relief agencies say the country is ill-prepared for a round of violence similar to one last month. "Guinea is heading for another strike because nothing has been done by President [Lansana] Conte toward naming a new prime minister," Ibrahima Fofana, head of the Guinean Workers Union (USTG), told IRIN on Tuesday. "Our patience has limits."

Unknown assailants fired mortar bombs in the Somali capital Mogadishu on Wednesday, February 7, wounding at least eight people, a police official said, and a witness said two children had been killed. "Three mortars hit a building close to the seaport, one boy was wounded. Another mortar hit a house in al Baraka neighbourhood, wounding seven," Ali Said, head of the Mogadishu police, told Reuters.

Prepared for the African Union, this report evaluates national and regional early warning systems (EWS) across Africa. It reveals that these systems have generally been effective in alerting countries and donors to impending food crises in the context of seasonal droughts. However, exceptions suggest that inadequate early warning analysis, together with poor communication and coordination, have often contributed to acute food security emergencies that could have been prevented.

Ten years after international guidelines were established to stamp out the recruitment and use of child soldiers, underage fighters are still actively being recruited in at least 13 countries, including Burundi, Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ivory Coast, Somalia, Sudan, and Uganda.

The government in Khartoum has been largely uncooperative in all attempts to establish peace and justice in Darfur. International Criminal Court investigators have a mandate from the Security Council of the UN, but have been blocked in their investigations by the government. The UN Secretary General has warned the Sudanese government to protect its own people or allow the international community to do so.

Following on coverage of homosexual activists and (mostly negative) responses around the World Social Forum, and prior to a meeting of the Anglican Primates (Archbishops / heads of churches) Desmond Tutu, the former Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town, has warned African churches against paying too much attention to the issue of homosexuality while ignoring real problems facing the continent.

The government of the Union of Islamic Courts has been ousted but a weak and ineffectual Transitional Federal Government has left the country and people of Somalia in a state of chaos and violence with no protection against horrendous human rights violations, states Birgit Michaelis.

In Mogadishu, the air is thick with gunfire. Nearly every night, the sound of bullets and artillery fire can be heard throughout the city. Unidentified gunmen carry out attacks on Ethiopian troops. The presidential compound was targeted by heavy mortar fire; houses in the neighbourhood were also hit. The ambushes left many civilians and soldiers dead. Suspicion falls on Islamist remnants who have vowed guerrilla war. For their part, Ethiopian forces randomly open gun and artillery fire on civilians and have claimed several casualties. Warlords are back in the city and checkpoints, where clan militia raise funds by extorting money from motorists, have reappeared on roads leading out of the capital. Freelance militia and bandits are taking advantage of the power vacuum and there is an increase in robbery. Residents fear Mogadishu could slide back into the anarchy that gripped the city after 1991, when the former dictator Siad Barre had been ousted, and await to see whether the government will be able to cope with the chaos.

Until recently, the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) controlled all but a small area of south and central Somalia. With Ethiopia’s support, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) only maintained control over its seat of government, the south western town of Baidoa. At the end of December, US-supported Ethiopian troops carried out a pre-emptive attack against Somalia. The invasion, in violation of international law and the UN Security Council Resolution 1725, proved easier than expected. The comparatively more powerful Ethiopian army allied with a militia loyal to the TFG to achieve their objective of regime change and overthrew the Islamists. The TFG is now seeking to install itself in Mogadishu and faces a huge challenge in trying to bring peace and security to the war-torn country.

Ethiopia is still reducing the numbers of its forces in Somalia. On 20 January, the African Union’s Peace and Security Council approved the deployment of a peacekeeping force for an initial period of six months. So far, only Uganda, Malawi and Nigeria have pledged to contribute to the AU force. Other countries are considering possible contributions. The mission's role would be "to provide support to the Transitional Federal Institutions in their efforts towards the stabilisation of the situation in the country and the furtherance of dialogue". Many Somalis doubt if the TFG, which has no military power, will be able to fill the power vacuum when the Ethiopian troops leave before the peacekeeping force is deployed in Somalia.

As violence escalates throughout the country, many commentators stress that after more than a decade of brutal fighting the Islamists, which controlled large parts of south and central Somalia from June to December 2006, established security and stability by expelling the hated warlords and offered something comparable to a government while the weak and divided TFG had been unable to reign. The UIC, with known militants within its leadership, imposed a harsh rule on the basis of a strict interpretation of Islamic law, the Sharia, in contrast with the moderate Islam that has dominated Somali culture for centuries. The hard-liners within the UIC wanted an Islamic Somali state where the Qur’ is the constitution and the Sharia is the only source of legislation. The secular constitution of the transitional institutions, which emanated from peace talks in Kenya from 2002-2004, is in contradiction of this plan. This fundamental contradiction was the most important obstacle to reconciliation between the UIC and the TFG. In the case of the emergence of an Islamic state in Somalia the transitional institutions would have been dissolved. The UIC’s interpretation of Sharia led to gross human rights violations such as public executions and public floggings. Their strict rule consisted of permanent violations of recognized international and African human rights treaties and standards.

In October last year, a group of children was arrested for playing football during the holy month of Ramadan in Mogadishu’s Boondheere district and detained in prison for over five hours. They were only released after their parents pledged that they will never again allow them to play ball. On 17 October an Islamic court released a fatwa to arrest all members of the National Music Committee of Somalia which forms part of the UNESCO’s International Music Council. Furthermore, it imposed the death penalty on the musicians for making music deemed as un-Islamic. A fatwa is a legal pronouncement in Islam made by a scholar permitted to issue judgments on Sharia. On 6 December, an Islamic court in Bulo Burto, southern Somalia, announced an edict that residents who do not pray five times a day will be beheaded. During prayer time, shops and tea houses should close and no one should be in the streets. The UIC restored security by ending years of massive human rights abuses against civilians by armed factions, but these few examples demonstrate that this happened very much at the cost of fundamental freedoms. Since the takeover of the Islamists thousands have fled the country for fear of being prosecuted or being forcibly recruited by the militias. It is doubtful if there was such an overwhelming support for the UIC as was widely reported.

The presence of foreign troops has not only profoundly changed the political dynamics in Somalia, but has also aggravated the already dire humanitarian and human rights situation in the severely impoverished country. Somalis are suffering the consequences of a triple humanitarian crisis: drought, flood and now conflict. An estimated 2 million people have been affected by the worst drought in a decade. Pastoralists in particular have been weakened by persistent droughts in recent years and have been forced to move their families to towns and villages in search of food and water. In November and December last year an estimated 400,000 people were directly affected by rivers that breached their banks and flash floods that followed heavy rainfall. Hundreds of towns and villages were hit, homes destroyed or seriously damaged and roads cut off. An estimated 1.4 million Somalis urgently need humanitarian assistance. To make matters worse, the recent fighting between the allied forces (Ethiopian and Somali government forces) and the Islamists complicates the humanitarian situation. Aid agencies have suspended some planned relief operations due to security concerns. In some regions, there is restricted access for humanitarian workers trying to reach vulnerable populations and there have been incidents of aid staff being harassed and detained by Ethiopian troops.

Between 65,000 and 70,000 people are estimated to have been displaced by the fighting between the TFG and the UIC. At least 1,000 people are estimated to have been killed, mostly between Mogadishu and Baidoa in south and central zones, of whom 700 have not been buried, the World Health Organization says. The US and Ethiopian air strikes in mid-January on Afmadow near the Kenyan border had a grave humanitarian impact as they left more than 40 people and several hundreds livestock dead. The animals safeguard the livelihood of rural communities. The bombardment took place in an area known as a very good pastureland, with the highest concentration of cattle in the Juba valley. Hundreds of families fled their houses. Most of those killed were in a convoy of donkeys carrying sugar to the outlying villages, which have been rendered inaccessible due to recent heavy rains. The raids, backed by the Somali government, targeted alleged Islamists and al-Qaeda members believed by the United States to be hiding in the region. The US denies any civilian casualties as international humanitarian law prohibits direct attacks on civilians or civilian objects. On 22 January, US forces carried out a fresh air strike in southern Somalia. The number of wounded civilians and killed livestock is still unknown. A Pentagon spokesman said the US would continue to pursue members of al-Qaeda, wherever they were.

There are reports that during the recent fighting camps for internally displaced people (IDPs) had come under grenade attack. Before the invasion Somalia counted 400,000 IDPs. The largest IDP population -an estimated quarter of a million people- lives in Mogadishu where for years they have been abused by gunmen who control their sites. The appalling situation of IDPs in Somalia has remained below any minimum acceptable standard, and is among the worst in Africa. Often IDPs remain displaced long even after the violence that caused their original displacement has abated. While remaining in situations of protracted displacement, many IDPs and other vulnerable populations face discrimination, restrictions on their freedom of movement and political rights, exploitation and physical violence, difficulties accessing basic social services as well as limited income earning opportunities. Most IDPs survive through a mixture of casual work and begging and their income is barely sufficient for one meal a day, resulting in high malnutrition and mortality rates. IDP camps are particularly dangerous places for women as the number of rapes is very high with an estimated one third of cases involving children under the age of 16. Now there are up to 70,000 more IDPs who will face discrimination because many of them are separated from their traditional support mechanisms, including their clan base. As long as insecurity prevails, their future is uncertain and unresolved displacement crises will remain constant sources of instability.

The situation of refugees who want to leave the country is no better. On 3 January, several thousand asylum seekers fleeing recent fighting in Somalia were stranded near the border with Kenya, which has blocked their entry. Kenya has stepped up security along its border with Somalia in a bid to prevent militias loyal to the UIC entering the country. Between 4,000 and 7,000 asylum-seekers have gathered around the border town of Dobley in the hope of entering Kenya. They are mainly women and children. Only after two weeks was the World Food Programme able to access the area and provide them with food assistance. Kenya already hosts more than 160,000 Somali refugees, but the closure of its border violates international law protecting refugees.

According to Ethiopian human rights defenders there is a crackdown on Oromo refugees within Somalia. During the last four decades, thousands of Oromo, which are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, fled persecution in their country and have sought refuge in Somalia. Since the arrival of Ethiopian troops in Somalia they become the target of harassments and arbitrary detentions. Some of them were reportedly forcibly returned to Ethiopia where they are at risk of serious human rights violations.

Civilian casualties far outnumber those of armed combatants. Women and children are most affected by fighting. Scores of women and children have been separated from their families or wounded in fighting between Somali government forces and remnants of the UIC. Women suffer disproportionately and differently from militarization and war. Fleeing without the protection of their communities or male relatives they face heightened risk of sexual violence, including rape. They may be forced to offer sex in return for safe passage, food and shelter. Further, they risk injuries from mines or unexploded ordnance and attacks by armed fighters. There are reports of women being raped by the allied forces during the recent conflict in what amounts to a war crime. Armed militia setting up roadblocks in Mogadishu also put women at risk of being raped. The factors which contribute to violence against women in armed conflict have their roots in the pervasive discrimination they faced before the conflict broke out. Women in Somali society are politically, socially and economically marginalized. They do not have access to political participation and were marginalized in the peace talks in Kenya in 2002-2004 leading to an under-representation in the TFG. Domestic violence, sexual harassment and rape are widespread, although there is a culture of denial. To safeguard the family’s honour, some rape victims are forced to marry the perpetrator. Early forced marriage occurs. Female genital mutilation continues to be inflicted on 99% of Somali girls. Girls’ education lags far behind boys’ education. Only 22% of children have access to primary school education with a third being girls and the Ethiopian invasion has severely affected school enrolment.

Children had featured prominently in recent fighting as active combatants. However, a spokesman for Somalia's Transitional Federal Government has denied recruiting underage soldiers. There are also reports that the UIC has declared publicly its intention to recruit from schools. In Mogadishu, children were randomly shot in the street while others risk being recruited to fight by re-emerging warlords. Thousands of Somali children have been separated from their parents and are unaccompanied making them prey to child traffickers and sexual exploitation. Some have lost one or both parents and others are left with no surviving family members. The psychological scars children bear after witnessing such attacks have long-term effects. Child soldiers, in particular, suffer deep-seated trauma that persists long after the fighting has ended.

This reflects the violations of children’s human rights on many fronts. Infant mortality is the highest in the world and a quarter of children are stunted from lack of food. Child labour is rampant. Some 200,000 Somali children (5%) have at some time in their lives carried a gun or been involved in militia activities. More than a quarter of both children and adults (26% and 31% respectively) have been exposed to a serious or traumatic event caused by conflict. In the absence of a functioning public service following the overthrow of the Siad Barre government and the disintegration of the state into civil war in 1991, a whole generation has been deprived of the right to education and most of the population has no access to health care.

Somalis are war-weary and desperate for peace and respect for human rights. Human rights as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and subsequent international human rights treaties and standards are indivisible, interdependent and inter-related. All rights are of equal value and cannot be separated. Violations of economic, social and cultural rights – such as failure to protect land rights, denying education rights and inadequate provision of health care – are linked with civil and political rights violations in patterns of denial. No human right can be realized in isolation from other rights. The large-scale violations of civil and political rights in Somalia demand a holistic response. The right to effective political participation, important with regard to clan hostilities, depends on a free media and the right to freedom of expression, but also on an educated and literate population. Land and housing rights will be better realized if a fair and effective system for the administration of justice is in place.

Amnesty International is making an urgent call for human rights to be made a priority. The TFG should ensure that it reflects the human rights aspirations of the Somali people. A first step would be to start dialogue and reconciliation with all groups and factions. A second one would be to make assiduous efforts for reconstruction. This includes measures such as back-to-school programmes, income-generation activities, establishment of a fair judicial system and a health care system, resettlement of internally displaced persons and the demobilisation and reintegration of militias. As the disarmament process is ongoing, demobilized members of faction militias should be offered alternatives such as education, vocational training and job opportunities. If they are not given an alternative to the gun, they will return to it, with all the consequences that entails. The Somali government now has a unique chance to turn desperation to hope.

* Birgit Michaelis is the country coordinator for Kenya, Tanzania and Somalia of Amnesty International - German section.

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Uganda has a massive number of IDPs – more than 1.7 million, over 6% of the national population. Although it is one of the few countries with a national IDP policy, ineffective implementation means many IDPs still face security threats, limited access to humanitarian assistance and difficulties in returning home.

At least 10 people have been killed and hundreds more displaced in flooding after heavy rains in northwestern Rwanda, a government official said. The flood-waters also destroyed 354 homes in Rubavu District, area mayor Ramadhan Barengayabo said on Monday. He said the displaced fled their homes after the heavy weekend rains caused Sebeya River to rise and have yet to receive any aid.

The object of this paper is to defend the use of the security discourse for refugee status determination and to provide a workable legal framework for human security in order to assess legitimate claims for refugee status. The argument for human security as ratione personae protection for refugee status is made first theoretically, by defining the capacity of ‘human security’ as well as the types of harm that legitimate protection, and then formally within a concrete structure.

In the context of growing complexity in global governance arrangements, it is becoming increasingly difficult to understand issue-areas – such as 'security', 'migration', 'human rights' and 'development' - in isolation from one another. The way in which issue-areas are interconnected is an increasingly important factor in explaining political outcomes at the global level.

The number of people seeking asylum in South Africa continues to grow, with Zimbabweans in the majority. Last year’s statistical reports on refugees and asylum-seekers showed the number of new applicants for refugee status exceeded government’s stepped up efforts to clear the backlog accumulated over previous years, the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) said.

This Report published by the Sahel and West Africa Club reviews the land reform process in West Africa and presents the recent initiatives carried out by regional organisations in support of land reform in the context of regional policies on agriculture, natural resource management, conflict prevention and security.

China on Tuesday (30 January) defended its arms exports to African nations, saying they are small in scale and do not violate United Nations rules that ban weapons sales to countries at war. "On the arms exports to Africa, China takes a cautious and responsible attitude," Foreign Ministry spokesperson Jiang Yu said shortly after President Hu Jintao left for an eight-nation tour of the continent.

Authorities in South Africa and Botswana deported more than 140 000 Zimbabweans in 2006, a Herald newspaper report in Zimbabwe quoted police records as saying. A total of 109 532 Zimbabweans were deported from South Africa in 2006, according to the records. That represents 300 people a day, most of whom hazard the crossing of the Limpopo River border with South Africa, which is infested with crocodiles or swollen with dangerous flood waters in the rainy season.

The number of refugees in United Nations camps in northwestern Tanzania has dropped from 350, 590 in 2005 to 287,061 in 2006, below the 300,000 mark. The number of refugee camps in the country is also expected to soon decrease from 11 to eight. Yacoub el-Hillo, United Nations High Commission for Refugees country representative to Tanzania, has attributed the decrease of refugees to voluntary repatriation thanks to improvement of political situations in the origin countries of refugees.

The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has launched a new strategy aimed at ensuring HIV-positive refugees and other displaced people worldwide have access to antiretroviral treatment, care and support, IRIN News reports. The policy addresses both long-term and shorter-term antiretroviral provisions, such as post-exposure prophylaxis for sexual assault survivors and prevention of mother-to-child HIV transmission.

Some 50 people have been killed in the past month in clan violence over land in Kenya's western province, local government officials say. Spokesman Abdul Mwasera told the BBC more than 30 people had been arrested in connection with the clashes. Hundreds of families fled to camps after conflict began during a government land allocation programme.

International child traffickers may be using Mozambique's weak adoption laws to target orphaned children, to the growing concern of the government, said a senior official from the Ministry of the Interior.

Amnesty International today (25 January) warned that the demobilization and army reform programme currently underway in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) risks compromising the country's entire political process and future stability. In a comprehensive study, Amnesty International revealed that the national demobilization and reform process has so far been characterized by serious human rights violations, a lack of political will, and ineffective control of troops.