Eritrea's president has accused Ethiopia of raising the spectre of renewed conflict between the two neighbours over their disputed border as a ploy to distract attention from Ethiopia's domestic troubles. Military manoeuvres on both sides of an unmarked 1,000 km (620 mile) frontier between the feuding Horn of Africa neighbours have raised international concern about a possible repeat of their 1998-2000 border war that killed 70,000 people.

The World Bank, Ethiopia's largest donor, says it is considering cutting aid to the country if the current political impasse there continues according to a recent article in Voice of America by Ashenafi Adedje (16th November 2005). The Bank currently disburses four to five hundred million dollars a year in assistance to Ethiopia. However, Ishac Diwan, the World Bank’s country director for Ethiopia, noted that this amount will increase if governance improves or decrease over time if governance fails to improve. The World Bank representative declined to be more specific, saying the exact figures will have to be determined by bank management in accordance with prevailing circumstances.

Professor Mesfin Woldemariam 75, former chair of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO), has lately started a hunger strike, calling upon all people touched by the on-going human rights violations to join him until justice prevails in the plight of the Human Rights Defenders under threat in Ethiopia. EHRCO is a co-founder of the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (EHAHRDN).

I am trying to publicise as widely as possible what is happening now in Ethiopia - but without jeopardizing the possibilities for getting a visa to go back asap. So please do not mention my name if you decide to publicise the following.

I was in Addis working with ILO last week during the strike. Reports were very varied and contradictory, but what seems to have happened is:

1) the opposition had called for a one week strike immediately following Eid to enable Muslims also to join the protest against Meles’ rigging of the elections.

2) something sparked resistance early. This led to at least 50 people shot dead at random by the military – they do not speak the same language and have also been trained to be extra aggressive. The deaths included children and women trying to prevent their sons being taken away. Most of the resistance from the people was just in the form of roadblocks and stones. At least one person was shot dead just in front of a factory I was visiting.

3) 3,000 at least have now been detained and shipped to detention camps in the desert including all opposition leaders, human rights activists and journalists.

4) Government is also blocking any forms of communication it can eg the independent Amharic station.

I do hope you can make these facts widely known so the repression can stop and the detainees released – and also use any networks you have to update/correct any of the above information. Unfortunately all my contacts are too scared to speak at this time.

It seems the only way of getting world attention is to blow up a few tourists or set a few cars alight in the streets of Paris. BBC and CNN seemed more interested in Charles and Camilla's visit to US.

Ethiopian authorities are hunting down journalists, civil society activists and opposition leaders in a bid to clamp down on government critics following public protests that left more than 40 dead at the hands of security forces, report the Ethiopian Free Press Journalists' Association (EFJA), the International Press Institute (IPI), Reporters Without Borders (Reporters sans frontières, RSF) and the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).

Political unrest has been widespread in Ethiopia since May elections that took the opposition close to securing a surprise victory over the ruling party. Last week, violence swept through the capital Addis Ababa as security forces cracked down on those participating in actions to protest the election result. Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem calls for calm on both sides.

Since the May general elections in Ethiopia the country has been gripped by conflict. The country is only slowly returning to normal after a week long stay away called by the opposition who believed that the government robbed it of victory through unfair means. Both in June soon after the elections and now, several people have been killed and many more imprisoned.

While elections are supposed to indicate where the wishes of the people reside and both winners and losers are expected to respect the results, it is not often that easy in situations where neither is prepared for the result. Sometimes defeat can sound like victory and sometimes victory can be interpreted as defeat if the cost is too high. Both scenarios are playing themselves out in Ethiopia. The opposition has reason to be jubilant because in spite of the fields not being level they gained victories - some of them highly symbolic - against the ruling EPRDF.

In Ethiopia it is clear that neither the ruling EPRDF nor the two main opposition alliances, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) and United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF), were prepared for the results and the obligation that the results impose on them in a democratic setting.

For the first time since the EPRDF came into power 15 years ago it faced a more challenging and credible electoral opposition. It lost all the seats in the capital to the opposition and lost to the opposition in other regions in particular the Amhara region. Its immediate response was to see the result as a challenge to its authority. It was obvious that its political and security intelligence misinformed it about its popularity. It was clear to most observers that after 15 years the EPRDF has become vulnerable. As the likelihood of an armed overthrow of the regime has diminished even among the country's largest nationality, The Oromo (who have been the longest military opponents of the EPRDF), peaceful resistance and democratic opposition has grown.

As it happened to other post revolutionary regimes across Africa whether in Zimbabwe or Uganda, the longer the EPRDF stayed in power the less 'grateful' people became for its liberation struggle. Uganda is the more obvious parallel. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, like President Museveni before him, became a former revolutionary turned free-market reformer with new best friends in Washington, London, Brussels, and other patented capitals of what he would (before) have called, rightly, 'centres of imperialism'. Like other Clubbers in the now ageing 'New generation of African Leaders' Meles is a very fiercely intellectual leader who is able to stoutly articulate and defend his positions.

Again. like Uganda, Ethiopia is heavily dependent on aid but somehow the EPRDF until recent years managed to stave off Western intervention in its political affairs. A kind of dual mandate partnership (familiar to Ugandans) developed whereby Meles pursued neo-liberal economic policies of the IMF/World Bank and the dominant western powers gave him a huge discount on internal political matters.

But acceptance in the West also comes with its own conflicting demands and expectations. It is always the case that the more our leaders become popular abroad the less they are at home and the more complacent they become about their domestic constituency - hence they are ill-prepared to think of any possible defeat.

The opposition on the other hand - after overcoming initial timidity, lack of clarity or better alternative socio-economic policies - begin to unite in opposition. Some people will just want change for the sake of it. Younger generations also emerge who now take the gains of the past as their starting point - not the ceiling on what is possible. This is where former revolutionaries in power become reactionaries, taking political opposition to be treason, shooting demonstrators, jailing leaders of the opposition and generally punishing the people for not voting wisely (i.e. electing them in perpetuity).

The opposition too, having spent too long in opposition is often unprepared for its victories and reacts either too triumphantly or with selective de-legitimation. The former exaggerates how close they believe they have come to seizing the state house while the latter makes them to always query the result only in areas where they did not win.

A process of mutual demonisation ensues between an insecure government humbled by the polls - especially losing in the capital where the government is based - thereby becoming psychologically an occupying force. The opposition on the other hand suffers the delusion that its control of the centre and a few cities also mean that it is de facto government and is often tempted to behave so by unleashing 'people power' which is often met by a government show of power. This situation needs statesmanship and leadership to break the impasse. The tragedy for Ethiopia so far has been the absence of such vision. The government needs to accept that those who voted against it have neither committed any sin or crime while the opposition also have to accept that those in power are not from Mars but fellow Ethiopians with whom they have political differences. There cannot be meaningful dialogue if the government uses guns and prisons as its first weapon of choice and the opposition regards the government as illegitimate.

* Dr Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is General-Secretary of the Pan African Movement, Kampala (Uganda) and Co-Director of Justice Africa

* Please send comments to

The International Secretariat of the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) has been informed by the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO), a member of the OMCT network, that about 18,000 youths, arrested in Addis Ababa, were taken to the Dedessa River in Wollega and are being held in an open field near the banks of the river. Furthermore, the network says that more people have been killed, wounded and arrested following street protests on 31st October 2005 in Addis Ababa. The conflict has spread to towns such as Gondar, Bar Dar, Arbaminch town, Dessie, Nazareth and around.

This study provides an assessment of the changing environment for aid planning and management in Ethiopia during 2002-2004. Specifically considering the Development Cooperation Programme in Ethiopia the report reviews the aid modalities chosen by the project and their relevance and effectiveness.

Weichegud! Et Politics - (http://weichegud.blogspot.com/2005/11/who-will-tell-their-stories.html) likens the present political violence in Ethiopia to 1978 when:

“The generation Ato Meles belongs to went on protest marches on the streets of Addis Ababa in the early 70s without the indignity of being mowed down. They were demanding a revolution - the usurping of the Ethiopian constituency, and the deposing of the Emperor. They held placards calling the Emperor a ruthless dictator who had to be brought to justice. They told the world that they were standing for the poor, the downtrodden and the forgotten.”

Yet they were not shot down whilst this time “those same people are pointing their guns at children” all in the name of “protecting the constitution". He concludes that hopefully when this is all over the people of Ethiopia “will have the strength for justice and not revenge!"

Freedom for Egyptians - Freedom for Egyptians (http://freedomforegyptians.blogspot.com/2005/11/freedom-of-expression-a…) reports on the detention of Egyptian blogger/writer, Nabeel Abdul Kareem who has a blog called “Kareem Amer”. Abdul Kareem was taken from his home by state security forces who confiscated his writings. Freedom for Egyptians writes:

“I have read Abdolkarim’s last blog on the Alexandria sectarian violence. Kareem has been a witness to this violence. He wrote his testimony on those black days in Egypt. Detaining him is considered an intimidation or assault on a witness.

In his article, he called for the rejection of hatred in Islam to non-Muslims, hinting to the position of the Egyptian Copts. He witnessed himself the sectarian violence in Moharm Bik district in his home city of Alexandria. He gave in his blog an example how some Islamist thugs burned a liquor store owned by an Egyptian Copt while at the same time allowing a Muslim man to sell alcohol.

Abdul Kareem is not the first North African blogger to be detained. In Tunisia, a blogger spent 18 months in prison and a similar sentence was given to Libyan blogger – both for criticising their respective governments.

The detentions of the three bloggers draws attention to the fact that in many countries the only “free press” are in fact bloggers. Even where professional journalists are subjected to arrest and harassment by their governments at least they are “public” people who have some, albeit often small, protection from their employers. Bloggers on the other hand have no protection; there is likelihood that they may loose their jobs; they may not have the funds for legal representation; their arrest may not become public knowledge.

The Moor Next Door (MND)- The Moor Next Door

The Economist fails in it’s report (at least this paragraph) by first referring to the two dead boys as North Africans when in fact, one was Senegalese. The report then states there is 10% unemployment and a poor Muslim population when in fact the unemployment amongst minorities is nearly double that and the religion of the rioters is not the issue.

What is amusing are some of the government responses such as:

Iran - “The Iranian foreign minister demanded that France respect its minorities and protect their human rights." (since when is such a "liberal" idea such as human rights believed in by the Islamic Republic?)

Libya – “The Colonel offers "help" to France! Perhaps he will enlighten Mr. Chirac as to how Libya deals with such youths, avec une balle.”

Italy – "Opposition leader Romano Prodi called on the Italian government to take urgent action, telling reporters: 'We have the worst suburbs in Europe. I don't think things are so different from Paris. It's only a matter of time.” I suggest they hurry with whatever they intend to do!

Senegal: “Senegal's president announced his belief that France should « casser les ghettos et intégrer les Africains qui demandent à être intégrés ». (Break the ghettos and integrate the Africans that ask to be integrated." The French need to listen to that one!

Zimbabwean Pundit - Zimbabwean Pundit (http://zimpundit.blogspot.com/2005/11/dell-treatment-for-would-be-prote…) reports on the unabated repression of Mugabe’s government of it’s own citizens.

“In yet another shameless display of how far Harare will go to quash any dissent to their iron fisted grip over the nation, they have arrested 150 leaders of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU).”

South African blogger, Floyd’s Perspectives – Floyd's Perspectives (://floydn.blogspot.com/2005/11/sascos-ideological-perspectives.html) has a comprehensive post on the South African student movement which he says has been at the forefront of the struggles in the country. He begins by tracing the origins of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) and the South African Students’ Congress (SASCO) and then goes on to examine the relationship between the student bodies and the ANC in the anti-apartheid struggle. He concludes by acknowledging that the contemporary struggles of SASCO are ideological ones.

“The major, persistent, consistent, and often indomitable struggles waged by SASCO in campuses are mostly class struggles...Financial exclusions, academic exclusions, democratisation, access and success, conducive learning environment and curriculum content are but some of the ideological struggles SASCO is waging in campuses."

Black Looks - Black Looks (http://okrasoup.typepad.com/black_looks/2005/11/_members_of_par.html) – gives her perspective on the ongoing Paris riots together with a brief description of the events that led to the riots and why they spread after an initial calm down. She highlights some of the similarities of the French riots to those that took place in England in the mid-1980s

“The reasons then are the same as the ones facing North and West Africans in France today; inferior education, lack of job opportunities, appalling housing conditions in run down estates (three arson related fires have taken place this year in properties lived in by West Africans);exclusion from the political process with no representation in government or in the police force; institutionalised racism, racist police who systematically harass young West and North African males.”

She concludes that: “The riots are the outcome of a culmination of experiences and incidents over a period of time, they are not simply happening in a vacuum of nothingness. France will have to face the reality of this otherwise it and Europe will sink into further violence as communities become even more polarised.”

* Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks, http://okrasoup.typepad.com/black_looks

* Please send comments to [email protected]

About 500 Ethiopians staged a noisy but peaceful demonstration Tuesday in front of the US State Department, demanding that Washington step up its efforts to end post-election violence in the African state. Chanting "USA, shame on you" and brandishing placards wth slogans such as "Where Do You Stand?" the crowd called for pressure on Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to halt bloodshed that has claimed dozens of lives.

The Global Call to Action against Poverty has expressed its alarm at the arrest of Ato Daniel Bekele, a GCAP activist and the Policy, Research and Advocacy Manager for Action Aid Ethiopia. On Tuesday November 1 at around 8 pm, Ethiopian security forces went to Bekele's house and arrested him without charge. Fikre Zewdie, a fellow activist who visited Bekele and saw him across the fence of the prison gate reports that he is in good health, although he continues to be held without charge and incommunicado.

Former foes Ethiopia and Eritrea have both moved troops and tanks towards the border in recent weeks, a UN source said on Wednesday, after the world body reported that the situation on the frontier had become tense. A UN statement said on Tuesday UN peacekeepers had altered their description of the situation on the ground to "tense" from "stable", a worrying change to diplomats trying to prevent a resumption of the nations' 1998-2000 war. "We cannot say that the situation is stable," the source at the peacekeeping U.N. Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) said on Wednesday, when asked about the change in language.

In the past two days riot police reportedly shot dead over 30 protestors in the capital Addis Ababa and began systematic arrests of leaders and members of the main opposition party, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), as well as several journalists of the private press. The riot police used live ammunition to target protestors in the central Mercato and other districts. The demonstrations reportedly started peacefully but turned into stone-throwing, building of barricades and burning of vehicles when police started shooting. At least 150 people are also reported to have been wounded in the shootings. Police said two police officers had been killed by the protestors.

Ethiopia is concerned about the UN pullout from some bases along the tense border with Eritrea, saying Tuesday that the peacekeepers help ensure war doesn't break out again. After saying its work had been hampered by new restrictions imposed by Eritrea, the U.N. Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea said Monday it was pulling peacekeepers from 18 of 40 posts in the buffer zone and strengthening operations at other positions.

Ethiopian children are being sold for as little as US $1.20 to work as domestic workers or prostitutes, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) said on October 20. Up to 20,000 children, some 10 years old, are sold each year by their parents and trafficked by unscrupulous brokers to work in cities across Ethiopia, the IOM added. The figures were announced as the Ethiopian government, the UN and the IOM launched a campaign to highlight the suffering endured by vulnerable children in this Horn of Africa nation. Dubbed "Ethiopia's Campaign for Vulnerable Children", the campaign encourages candidates running in local elections scheduled for early 2006 to push the issue onto the agenda.

Eritrea is denying widespread speculation that its recent rapprochement with neighboring one-time foe Sudan is aimed at securing its western border in the event of new war over its southern frontier with arch-rival Ethiopia. Instead, a senior Eritrean official said the warming of Eritrea-Sudan relations after a decade of active hostility is merely a reflection of new realities on the ground after the end of Sudan’s long-running north-south civil war this year.
* Related Link
Eritrea accuses Ethiopia of "duplicity" as border conflict rises
http://www.sudantribune.com/article.php3?id_article=12175

Although it was initially interested, the Japanese Kajima finally did not reply to the call for tenders issued by the Ethiopian Electric Power Corp. (EEPCo) for the construction of a hydroelectric dam for a 96 MW power station on the river Neshi, in the East Wollega region of Oromia Regional State. Only 3 firms submitted bids: the Turkish Enka, the Italian Salini and the Chinese Gezhouba Water and Power Group. Salini is already very active in Ethiopia. The group built, with funding from the European Investment Bank and the Italian government, the Gilgel Gibe Dam (184 MW) and is currently building the second phase of the project, which will have a capacity of 428 MW. This summer, Salini also penned an agreement with EEPCo to build a 46 MW hydropower dam at Beles in the Amhara region in the northern part of the country.

Authors: Dom, C.; Mussa, M.
Produced by: Mokoro (2005)

This study examines financing options available to the Government of Ethiopia and donors to support the Education Sector Development Program (ESDP) in Ethiopia. The report discusses the available options as well as a set of criteria for choosing amongst the options. The report highlights four important factors to consider: the Government's preference for budget support modalities; donor concerns to focus support in a meaningful way on the education sector; concern on the part of both government and donors to support and strengthen Ethiopia's decentralised system; and the desire on the part of both government and donors to overcome perceived limitations of existing aid instruments in mobilising additional resources to support education.

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, represented by Foreign Affairs State Minister, Dr. Tekeda Alemu and the University for Peace, represented by Rector Julia Marton-Lefèvre have signed a host agreement on Thursday, 1 September 2005 regarding the opening of an office of the university in Addis Ababa. The host agreement will allow the centre of gravity of the Africa Programme to shift to the continent after having been coordinated from Geneva, Switzerland since its conception in 2002. Dr. Jean-Bosco Butera, Director of the Africa Programme, will be managing the development and implementation of the Africa Programme. Addis Ababa was chosen because it is the seat of the African Union (AU) and of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), as well as being the diplomatic capital for Africa.