Avoiding an Impasse, Understanding the Conflict in Western Uganda

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Press Release: A new 59-page report from African Rights

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Barney Afako - 077-722733

Progress towards a resolution of the long-running conflict in the west of Uganda must now be followed up by substantial commitments aimed at improving social and economic conditions in the region. According to the findings of African Rights’ latest report, Avoiding an Impasse, Understanding the Conflict in Western Uganda, people in the west are weary and impoverished after some five years of attacks and destruction by the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF). Tens of thousands are still displaced from their homes. There is general approval of intensified efforts by the government to resolve the conflict, but people still feel vulnerable and neglected.
African Rights’ report describes the nature of the ADF war, and the devastation it has caused for local people. Through interviews with more than 50 victims of the violence, and a handful of former fighters, it also explores why the west has been the site of successive rebellions and what can be done to reverse the damage they have wrought. Recent claims that fresh and extensive rebel recruitment is taking place in the area reinforce the concerns raised in African Rights’ report¾that the situation remains volatile.
The Suppression of Terrorism Bill tabled in Uganda’s Parliament in October lists the ADF as a terrorist organization. The bill, which increases the penalty for involvement in terrorism and gives the authorities wider powers in dealing with it, is a mark of the determination of the government to stamp out the ADF and other rebel groups still operating in Uganda. But the rebels are also covered by an amnesty, introduced two years ago, which allows fighters willing to renounce their struggle to be reintegrated into their communities. Rebel atrocities have continued even after the offer of the amnesty so the government has maintained a concerted military offensive against them. It has also proposed legislation which will ensure that those who re-offend after being granted amnesty do not benefit from further amnesty. In western Uganda, the army’s practice illustrates the operation of this twin-approach. It is working with the Give Me A Chance organization in re-orienting and demobilising captured ADF rebels under the terms of the amnesty. The ADF now appears to be on the brink of defeat and hopes for peace are high.
Improved security in the short term should not, however, be regarded as grounds for complacency in the future. In the words of one local resident, the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) may “win the battle, but not the war.” Moreover, at the time of research, the amnesty had not been sufficiently explained or publicized. It is hoped that the opening of an Amnesty Commission regional office in Kasese in August 2001, will lead to greater awareness and that the Commission, in partnership with others in the region, will establish a firm foundation for comprehensive and sustained programmes of education on reconciliation and peace. The government and donors have largely failed to recognize the extent of the problems in the west and should devote more time and resources in the future in order to tackle the underlying causes of the conflict and to ease its consequences.
Lives, livelihoods and opportunities have been crushed by the ADF conflict. African Rights’ report documents the views and experiences of people who have been on the frontline of the rebel attacks. As might be expected, they long for peace and economic recovery and condemn the motives and tactics of the ADF. People are also generally resentful of the neighbouring governments of Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, criticizing them for having sponsored the ADF. They complain that in the past the government failed to provide protection from the rebels, accusing the UPDF of instances of “laxity.” They acknowledge, however, that the government has shown greater resolve on both the military and diplomatic fronts over the past year.
People are emphatic in their rejection of the ADF but it would be wrong to assume that they stand entirely outside this conflict. Although the rebellion was not directly the product of local tensions, political and ethnic struggles in the west have both contributed to the violence and been aggravated by it. This is a conflict which has received relatively little attention. African Rights’ report reveals an undercurrent of dissatisfaction in the west, which will not be easy to eradicate. It prompts a question worthy of urgent reflection and debate in the government and society of Uganda: Why does violence remain such a tenacious element in the nation’s political culture?

Background to the Conflict

The ADF selected the Rwenzori region as the location for their struggle largely because of its strategic location and mountainous terrain, ideal for guerrilla warfare and with access to the Sudan and the DRC, formerly Zaire, where they obtained material support. The ADF is a collective of rebel groups whose aims and origins are diverse, but who are united in a project to overthrow the government of President Yoweri Museveni. Its leaders are widely seen as political opportunists. A resident summed up the views of many when he commented: “The ADF has no political agenda and no genuine cause to fight.” It is, however, an example of the enduring readiness of groups and individuals to take up arms against the state in Uganda and their ability to recruit fighters and to abduct them.
Apart from a shared opposition to the government, and the claim to be “fighting for democracy”, the ADF leaders expressed a desire to “rid Uganda of foreigners.” Exploiting the tensions and racism which have been so destructive in the Great Lakes region, the group argued that President Museveni was “Rwandese”. Undoubtedly this won the ADF some favour with regional leaders of the past and with extremists in the region. But the group itself is multi-ethnic and its members come from different regions of Uganda and include some Congolese.
The main component of the ADF besides its founders, who were Muslims, were the members of the National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (NALU), which was formed upon the demise of the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC), but had become inactive by the late 1990s. NALU had chosen to operate out of western Uganda because this was the home region of its leader, Amon Bazira who had a prior connection with an existing peasant guerrilla movement, the Rwenzururu. This movement fought for the rights of the Bamba and Bakonzo under the Toro kingdom, beginning its armed struggle in 1962 under colonial rule. It was a rebellion which carried on, with varying degrees of intensity, through independence until 1982. A group of fighters remained in the mountains after the movement disbanded and later joined NALU and the ADF.

Tactics and Aims

The ADF rebellion is a war on civilians. Victims are selected apparently at random or on the basis of their vulnerability. The rebels generally begin a campaign by killing some members of a community, and terrorizing others. Rather than fire their weapons, the ADF often use machetes to hack civilians to death in silent attacks intended to brutalise the survivors. They then issue an order for the villagers to vacate the area, allowing them access to plentiful supplies of food, livestock and property, which they transport back into the mountains.
Overwhelmingly, the rebels have targeted children. Some have been killed instantly; others have been abducted and taken back to the rebels’ base. Children are used to carry the supplies looted during raids in the villages on the long trek back to the ADF base. Some are killed upon arrival; others are made to fight or steal for the rebels. Those who attempt to escape are summarily executed.
The ADF have frequently invaded schools, but they have also targeted businesses and farms. Interviews with displaced people living in camps in the region reveal the extent of the trauma and human losses for which the rebels are responsible. It is clear from their testimonies that the UPDF failed to protect civilians in the early years of the rebellion. Although soldiers were stationed nearby, in many of the incidents, they failed to respond effectively. It is easier to protect people in the camps in which many of them now live than in their home villages, yet even the camps have been invaded by the rebels on several occasions. As one local resident commented:

The only method employed by ADF is inflicting terror on the people so that they can hate the government.

African Rights’ report includes statements from the victims of numerous ADF atrocities, many of whom are critical of the UPDF.

The Response

An intensive effort by the UPDF to track down and defeat the ADF has been noticeable since October 1999. This, together with the recruitment and training of local defence units and homeguards, has helped to promote security, but people are still often too terrified to return to their homes.
The amnesty has also played a part in reducing the violence, but has yet to reach its full potential. The Give Me a Chance centre is responsible for reintegrating former ADF combatants in western Uganda, but so far there has been inadequate support for the process, as a senior official of the organization, explained.

The Amnesty Commission office in the west needs capacity building. The government has not given the commission proper support. Commissioners need to be properly inducted into their work.
In the west, the ADF has not been surrendering because of specific information about the amnesty. They have only heard in general terms that the government has offered them forgiveness, but they do not have any details. This calls for intensive peace education. Whereas in northern Uganda there are so many organizations working towards peace, this is not the case in the west. The UPDF needs to be carefully educated about the amnesty process as well.

The Amnesty Commission is itself aware of the gap in resources and provision. The commissioner in charge of western region spoke of the some of the challenges in establishing an effective presence in this vast and troubled region.

The amnesty process is like a game of football. You need all the players to be on the field if you are to cover the entire pitch. The single Amnesty Commission representative, covering seven districts, simply can’t do the job on his own. We are therefore facing a challenge of how to be effective across the entire region.

District leaders have pointed out the practical problems which might arise in receiving those who wish to take advantage of the amnesty when the only point of contact with the Commission is in Kasese, where the Commission has its only office in the region. During their tour, the Commission officials found that most of the district leaders had never seen a copy of the amnesty law and were unaware of the role given to community leaders under the Act. They were also concerned about the questions of justice the law raised as the commissioner recalls.

As we went around taking the message of reconciliation, people kept asking how the government could release and resettle the people who have caused so much suffering; who have killed; abducted; and robbed them when the suffering communities remained without adequate help.

The Commission has begun to right some of these deficiencies with planned radio programmes on the amnesty process forming a useful part of its strategy. But another Commission official spoke of the continuing frustrations it encounters in trying to move forward with the process.

We are not receiving the financial and logistical support we need. If we had the money it would be much easier to deliver the programmes. We’ll need a vehicle and sufficient money to help us to travel in the region. Although the European Union and others have supported the commission, they have earmarked the funds for the North. We don’t have anything for western Uganda. Even “Give Me a Chance” were saying that they were getting stuck with funds and might stop their programme. We as the commission might need to set up rehabilitation centres ourselves.

Despite these limitations, the ADF has been undermined and depleted by the joint impact of the amnesty and military action. Some locals now describe the ADF as a “spent force” but others remain wary. Earlier this year, abductions and attacks in Kabarole, on Lake George in Kasese district. The ADF is suspected of having planted three bombs which exploded in Jinja on 7 July 2001, killing one person and injuring twelve others, and provoking fears that the group may increasingly resort to urban terrorism, as it has done on occasion in Kampala. Trained, armed and desperate the remaining rebels could still present a threat to the people of western Uganda and beyond. And the legacy of the rebellion will continue to cause suffering. Landmines continue to kill and maim innocent people. People’s lives are still dominated by insecurity and deprivation.

The Social and Economic Impact

Around 175,000 people, mostly in Bundibugyo district have been displaced by the violence. Most were forced to abandon their homes and farms and now live in camps. Some took refuge with host families within the region. Although the ADF activities have subsided, people often remain in the relative safety of the camps. Their crops are no longer harvested and their fields go untended. Once self-sufficient, they are now reliant upon food aid. Their children can no longer attend school. The lives of the residents of western Uganda have been placed in limbo and people struggle to survive on a daily basis. The rural areas of western Uganda are remote in terms of trade and transport and the poor communications and underdevelopment of the region has intensified both the conflict itself and its social and economic impact. A resident of Mitandi camp for displaced people said the area lacks roads: “This place appears to be an island, isolated from the rest of the country.”
The former Bishop of Rwenzori diocese described the destructive consequences the fighting has had upon lives.

There’s abject poverty, especially among the displaced people in camps. They’ve been denied education and development. There’s a breakdown of social services like medical care.

Not only have the displaced people been subject to massive social and economic disruption, their flight has not delivered them from terror. In camps they are at greater risk of hunger and disease and the threat of attack by the ADF has remained. Although people settled near to army bases, where they had flocked for shelter and protection, the ADF has managed to invade camps repeatedly. People tend to move from camp to camp looking for security, which makes needs assessment and the distribution of food relief more difficult. The chairman of Kiboota camp said that often ADF assaults are repulsed by the army and by the home guards, but that although it is “heavily guarded,” the camp is “very insecure; we are living in perpetual fear.” He listed some of the other serious concerns of camp residents:

· There’s a shortage of food in the camp. The few bags maize and beans which were delivered by Kabarole district authorities are now finished;
· There’s an outbreak of diseases such as malaria. Currently there are no drugs and malaria cases have increased;
· There’s no transport specifically for the camp. Sometimes a refugee falls seriously sick and he or she needs the attention of a doctor in Fort Portal. But we can’t afford to pay the transport to Kabarole. If at least we had a bicycle for the camp, then we would use it for sick people;
· There’s a lot of redundancy in the camp. People aren’t working because they’re afraid of going back and getting killed;
· Another problem is the lack of clothing and bedding, such as blankets, bed sheets etc.

The chairman called for assistance from the government and NGOs. He said the army were accompanying people back to their fields to farm, and that this has helped to generate some sense of hope. But he warned that “starvation can also breed insecurity.” The bleak picture he paints is matched by the accounts of many other camp residents.
The years of conflict and displacement have also had consequences upon the nature of local society, according to several interviewees. A regional dissemination field officer for the Red Cross has gone from camp to camp taking supplies to displaced people. He was one of several who remarked that communities have been unable to maintain cultural or social standards in the context of displacement. He is deeply distressed by the effect this has had particularly upon young people.

The most painful thing is the big increase in the number of school dropouts. As a result, child abuse in the camps is widespread. Girls are marrying soldiers and army men at such an early stage. Sex is being practised openly in camps since there’s no privacy. The cultural values of the society have been destroyed. There’s no dowry offered to parents of victims as girls are being picked anytime. Official marriage no longer exists. Consequently, prostitution has increased to an abnormal degree in the camps. This has put girls and women at risk of acquiring sexually transmitted diseases such as AIDS, syphilis, gonorrhoea etc.

Children are malnourished and dying at a higher rate in the camps, but there has also been a rise in instances of “incest and defilement” and, according to residents and local officials there is an erosion of traditional authority and a visible “decline in morals and values” in the camps.
There is some optimism among camp residents that they will soon have the opportunity to return to village life since the ADF threat has been greatly reduced. But it will be a challenge to address the extent of the social and economic damage caused by the years of conflict.

Inflamed Tensions

Poverty and discontent, themselves a consequence of war, have contributed to political and ethnic tensions in the west. The history of conflict in the region has meant decades of hardship for many of its residents. Some recalled the harsh conditions brought about by the Rwenzururu rebellion, although this period of suffering was supported by many locals. The relationship between this rebellion and the present one are tenuous, and the aims of the Rwenzururu were largely achieved, but the ADF has sought to attract some support by declaring itself in favour of Obusinga, a Bakonzo kingdom. This is a contentious issue in the west. There is a strong body of opinion among the Bakonzo in favour of “Obusinga”, which would see the descendants of the former leader of the Rwenzururu, Isaya Mukirania, accorded the status of a monarchy. Mukirania created the kingship in 1965 as part of the cultural and political Rwenzururu movement. Its legitimacy is, therefore, questioned by many locals, including some Bakonzo. Tension over the matter has developed between the Bakonzo and Bamba in particular, who once fought together in the Rwenzururu, and this has been nourished by the ADF. The issue of a kingdom for the Bakonzo is, in the words of one local observer leading to “petty politics and confusion.” He spoke of “accusations and counteraccusations” and feuding.
The Obusinga issue has come to dominate local politics in Kasese and Bundibugyo districts. Today, people in the region are divided between those who favour restoring what they see as their dignity and cultural identity, and others who are, often implacably, against the establishment of such an institution. The government has maintained an interest in resolving these questions, as reflected in the commissioning of research by the President’s office into the Rwenzururu and Obusinga issue. Although the findings of the research were broadly supportive of Obusinga, very strong opposition to the institution remains. The President has now asked the pro- and anti-Obusinga group to set up a group to resolve the issue. The significance and sensitivity of this issue for the long-term security of the region makes this an obvious priority for the government.
Since the elections of March 2001, the defeated presidential candidate Dr. Kizza Besigye has fled the country claiming his life was in danger. This is a troubling development and invites reflection on how Ugandans should resolve political differences. One academic argues that the conflict is rooted in the “the democracy deficit within Ugandan politics.” He calls for the government to engage in genuine dialogue with the people of the region in a search for solutions. The key, he thinks, is in respect for the rights of minorities, and calls for traditional methods to be employed.

The question is, how do minorities view themselves in the larger society, and how are they treated by those in power? The government should learn to listen to all the people big or small. If people are allowed to develop the sense that they are permanent minorities, they will act from that perspective.
We need to use traditional methods of conflict resolution. This is characterized by honesty and agreement. Once you agreed to meet, then there were no ambushes. This has the potential benefit of exploiting local systems of communication. These issues cannot be resolved in isolation. Local people, opinion leaders, elders and youths should be allowed to participate. But the local councils are not sufficiently independent. Genuine consultation means being ready to listen. But when this takes the form of a directive, this poses difficulties.

The view that there is a need for a shift in the style of government at local, national and regional levels to place much greater emphasis upon dialogue was expressed time and again by the residents of the west. They stressed that underdevelopment and youth unemployment have created a sense of desperation in some communities. These conditions have created a fertile ground for rebel recruitment. An employee of Bundibugyo district administration spoke of the dangers of a situation when people feel they have nothing to lose: “The poor see no difference between their normal life and that in the bush.” People spoke with one voice of the need for greater consultation, education and investment in the west.
All concerned are aware that attempts to deliver peace to the west must include a regional dimension. People acknowledged the difficulties in building peaceful relationships with neighbouring governments and the efforts on the part of the government to broker agreements with Sudan. However, mutual animosities between the governments in the region continue to exist. There is a pressing need for the Ugandan government to identify and examine the causes for this in each case, and to pursue appropriate strategies for preventing conflict from escalating in the region.
The situation in the west is one example of the unfortunate reality that the use of violence has, over the years, become seen as a legitimate route to political power in Uganda. One interviewee recalled that several rebel groups have emerged in Uganda since the NRM came to power in 1986. He pointed out that: “When one rebel group is defeated the remnants join another for a common cause.” Overcoming this conflict-ridden past is a formidable task. While, under President Yoweri Museveni, many parts of Uganda have reaped a peace dividend, it is nevertheless clear that some Ugandans, for various reasons, still feel excluded from the political and economic life of the country. In order to break Uganda’s pattern of conflict, it is crucial that the government should not only respond to threats militarily, but should continue to pursue a peaceful resolution of these debilitating conflicts. In this regard the continuing political support for the amnesty is to be encouraged. In the current international emphasis on “anti-terrorism” initiatives, the government should resist the temptation to abandon measured and reflective responses to Uganda’s complex insurgencies. Nurturing a culture of peace, tolerance and inclusive politics is essential if the whole of Uganda is to experience lasting stability.

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