cosatu: statement on situation in Zimbabwe

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Press statement issued by the Congress of South African Trade Unions.

To receive future press statements go to http://gate.cosatu.org.za/mailman/listinfo/press

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COSATU media statement – 7 June 2001

The situation in Zimbabwe

The current situation in detail
Statement by the ZCTU

1. Introduction:

1) The Zimbabwe crisis continues to deepen. The country
faces a worsening economic, political and social crisis that
has reached frightening levels. The deepening economic
crisis has resulted in extreme poverty, social
marginalisation and disempowerment caused by income
erosion, job loses, high levels of unemployment,
homelessness and the collapse of the health and education
systems.

2) The majority of Zimbabweans will admit that the past two
years, especially the year 2000 were probably the
toughest years that they have had to live through since the
advent of the county’s independence in 1980. Zimbabwe
is in a desperate situation. The country has been caught up
in a serious economic and social upheaval and the
Government has remained oblivious or found scapegoats
to whom blame has been attributed.

3) The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) is
deeply concerned about this deteriorating situation in the
country, particularly the rise in retrenchments, company
closures, liquidations and relocations of companies taking
place and in the declining real wages of workers. This
situation arises partly from the breakdown of the rule of
law and the lack of clear direction from Government on
dealing with the causes of the crisis.

2. Labour

1) The ZCTU has over the years pushed for change in the
country’s labour legislation which has culminated in the
Harmonised Labour Bill which is now before the
parliament of Zimbabwe. The current Labour Relations
Act has put the conditions of workers in a State of
confusion and despair. Instead of harmonizing, the new
Bill seeks to de-harmonise the workers because civil
servants remain beggars and not negotiators.

2) The changes that have been proposed have dealt a huge
blow to the dispute resolution mechanism, giving a lot of
powers to employers who normally abuse it. A case at
hand is that of former employees of the Standard
Chartered Bank of Zimbabwe, where 211 of them were
unlawfully dismissed in 1997 and only managed to get
compensation four years later in 2001. Not only does this
spell job insecurity, but it also means employers have
leeway to do away with workers they perceive as
troublemakers. This case has been brought before the
ILO as a complaint from the ZCTU,

3) While company closures intensify’, the amendments in the
proposed Harmonised Labour Bill do not include the most
minimum retrenchment packages (e.g. two months salary
for every year worked) the courts having ruled at one
point that employers are not necessarily obliged to pay
retrenchment packages.

4) Trade unions in Zimbabwe have through workplaces and
national actions, taken up grievances around
retrenchments, wages and benefits, have faced serious
problems in the delays and legal obstacles within the
current industrial relations system.

5) The ZCTU and its affiliates sought to deal with this by
proposing and lobbying changes to the law, for improved
dispute settlement procedures and for increased rights to
collective job action. Despite, the Government is still
proposing to pass a law that does not adequately provide
for these rights.

6) Recent statistics on job loses and unemployment in
Zimbabwe are shocking. At least 60 000 workers lost
their jobs in the formal Sector within the first half of the
year 2000 and by the end of the year this had doubled to
more than 120 000, adding to the 60% unemployment.
About 80% Zimbabweans now leave below the poverty
datum line Transport is getting so expensive that workers
are now left with no choice but to walk to and from work.

7) Further, of major concern is the fact that workplaces have
been, and still continue to be visited by individuals outside
democratically elected labour structures, who have
attempted to remove workers from their workplaces, and
at times have closed down workplaces, and some even
extorted money from workplaces to meet their own ends,

8) These actions far from taking over the role of the labour
movement, fundamentally. undermine the rights of the
workers to control their own agenda, elect their own
union leaders and mandate their own actions, and to do
this collectively in their own interests and through their
own organizations. (see attached chronology of events).

3. Economy

1) Economically Zimbabwe is fast grinding to a halt. There is
no more fuel for industrialists, commercial entrepreneurs
and farmers. Long queues of motorists agonizingly waiting
for fuel across the country and funeral homes failing to
bury the dead because of the acute shortage of fuel,
power cuts and power rationing, shortage of foreign
currency, the ever increasing rate of inflation and many
others characterize the economic crisis in the country
caused by the imposition of ESAP in 1991 coupled with
bad governance. A significant proportion of the
Zimbabwe population is now seeking a better life in other
countries.

2) The year 2000 saw many companies closing, and a good
number of them relocating
other countries, including such giants as Coca-Cola and
Olivine. Food shortages are expected during 2001 both
as a result of a fall in production and the non-availability
o~ foreign currency, although the Government continues
to insists there is enough food reserves.

3) Worse still the Government continues to demonstrate lack
of focus while political expediency continues to take
precedence over the economy. For example tobacco,
which is the country’s traditional major foreign currency
earner, is unlikely to make a significant contribution to
foreign currency reserves as a result of the uncertainty
around the fast track land resettlement exercise by the
Government. Tourism, another major foreign currency
earner, continues to decline because of perceptions
abroad about lack of security in Zimbabwe.

4) In the first month of this year the prices of basic
commodities such as bread went up twice and there have
been several other increases, without any announcements
being made People have since stopped talking about the
price of beef and other types of meats, They no longer
buy any meat. This year alone the Zimbabwe Dollar has
been devalued twice already, the price of petrol is already
close to Z$50.00 per litre up from $27.00 per litre in
December 2000.

5) Economists have estimated that the Gross Domestic
Product is likely to fall by 10% during the course of the
year 2001 after a 5.5% decline in 2000; that inflation
which is currently at 56% is likely to sky rocket to 70%
by December 2001, while there were massive operating
losses by the parastatals of around Z$10 billion in the year
2000 alone

6) Corruption in Zimbabwe has not helped the situation
either as it now reaches alarming levels. Corruption has
become the main activity of the state officials and those
connected to it leaving very little for the country’s poorest
citizens.

7) Massive expropriation of public finds has been recorded
at the Civil Aviation Authority and the Flarare
International Airport scandal; the National Oil Company
of Zimbabwe (NOCZIM); the Grain marketing Board
(GMB); the National Railways of Zimbabwe; the
Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority; virtually at all
parastatals and local authorities in five years Zimbabwe
has lost more than Z$33 billion in shoddy deals.

4. Politics

1) The relationship between economic decline and political
crisis cannot be over-emphasised.. In Zimbabwe. The
public bureaucracy, the public media, the city and town
councils and local Government. rural councils and
parastatals, including civil society and institutions of higher
learning were being run by officials broadly sympathetic to
the ideals and perspectives of the ruling ZANU (PF) party.

2) But the year 2000 was a major turning point in
Zimbabwean politics. The turning point was the shift of the
balance of power from the ruling party and the rise of the
labour--backed Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC).

3) The major two events which signalled the decline of the
ruling party’s fortunes were its dismal handling of the
February 2000 Referendum, which was rejected by the
majority of Zimbabweans, and its dismal showing at the
June 2000 Parliamentary elections where there was
enormous loss of seats in parliament.

4) If that Constitution enshrined most of the views expressed
during the national public hearings, then it would have
been endorsed at the February referendum.

5) Most likely, there would have been peaceful elections with
no stampede like that took place in the first half of 2000
and considerably tarnished the country’s image of stability
and tranquillity. Business would have continued normally,
the number of tourists would have continued growing.
Land reform would have been tackled much more
systematically and orderly in an economic sense, and
assistance from various donors and foreign sources would
have been more forthcoming.

6) The year 2000 witnessed several major developments,
including the beginning of the end for the respect of the
rule of law. The state itself has taken the position of
violator of its own laws by doing nothing to reverse the
dangerous slide the country is slipping into. The nation is
gripped in state-orchestrated anarchy.

7) Men of violence roam the countryside and threaten people
with arms of war which they hold illegally. In the run-up to
the June elections more than 35 innocent civilians with a
good number being workers lost their lives in the process.
People have been murdered, raped and maimed for
political convenience, with the culprits being granted
amnesty by the President of the republic.

8) Land is not being distributed for justice but as a political
gimmick, as a tool to win the hearts of the workers. The
exercise threatens to trigger more economic and political
upheavals because it completely ignores the basic laws of
the land.

9) There is no longer respect for the truth. Officialised
misinformation has become the order of the day, all for
short-term political advantages. Also rising will be crime
of all kinds, suicide, prostitution and many other vices that
normally accompany a decaying socio--economic fabric
such as that of Zimbabwe.

10) Given the current Government’s desperation to win the
2002 Presidential Elections, there is bound to be more
retrogressive and repressive laws promulgated this year,
especially
11) those that affect workers. The antagonistic relations
between the Judiciary and the K Executive will not get
better either.

12) The Judiciary has lost experienced judges within a short-
space of time under suspicious circumstances over the last
few months. This has been aggravated by the fact that
those appointed as replacements are viewed as being
political appointees.

13) The events of the year 2000 show that the Zimbabwe
population and the electorate becoming more
sophisticated in their outlook. The state of the economy
features highly in their calculations much more than the
symbolism of nationalism and independence. The stakes
are currently very high in the country. The conditions
under which any future elections will be contested will be
very crucial particularly for the worker.

14) Any disregard for the rule of law in favour of a replay of
the intimidation, violence and blatant manipulation of the
public media would be a serious violation of human and
trade union rights in Zimbabwe.

Chronology of Events in Zimbabwe

Factory Invasions and Lawlessness in Zimbabwe

1) 04 December 2000: war veterans give the country’s
judges 14 days to resign, following court rulings on the
land issue. The judges were being accused of “making
their own laws which sought to reverse the gains of
independence”

2) 29 December 2000: close to 50 war veterans and ruling
party supporters evict 30 farm workers from their houses
at Chirobi Farm in Bindura, about 90 km from Harare.
Earlier on in November the same year they had evicted
close to 45 workers and their families from the same farm

3) 07 January 2001: a small group of six war veterans lead a
group of villagers and youths on a raid of Chipize Ranch in
West Nicholson near Gwanda. The group took over
declared the safari camp theirs. However the police were
quick to intervene

4) 21 January 2001: business comes to a standstill at the
Avis Garage in Victoria Falls after war veterans invaded
and ordered workers to stop work, alleging that the
manager had removed the President’s portrait from her
office.

5) 26 January 2001: the leadership of the Zimbabwe
Liberation War Veterans Association ban The Daily
News for reporting that Zimbabweans had received news
of the death of Congolese President Laurent Kabila with
“joy”. Confirmed reports said copies of the newspaper
were later burnt in isolated incidents in some parts of the
country

6) 28 January 2001: the printing factory of The Daily News,
an independent national paper, is bombed by yet to be
identified attackers. The extensive damage was estimated
at Z$100 million

7) 29 January 2001: War veterans close Government and
Council offices at Zaka in Masvingo, accusing mots of the
civil servants there of working in cahoots with the MDC
to undermine State programmes

8) February 2001: a group of war veterans and ZANU (PF)
supporters raid the Grain Marketing Board (GMB)
deport in Rafingora accusing the assistant depot manager
of employing members of the opposition.

9) 24 November 2000: hundreds of placard waving war
veterans and ZANU (PF) supporters besiege the
Supreme Court in Harare, demonstrating against alleged
bias of the judiciary. The High Court had issued an order
evicting those occupying farms illegally

10) March 2001: war veterans storm Trinidad Private (Ltd) in
a labour dispute concerning retrenchments at the
company. 29 employees retrenched in December 2000
after the Ministry of Labour approved the retrenchments
with retrenchment packages. 17 out of the 29 had
accepted their payments and the others wanted their jobs
back

11) 01 March 2001: war veterans and ZANU (PE)
supporters take over the recruitment of temporary
teachers in Mount Darwin. Known members of the
opposition and their relatives are being barred from the
recruitment exercise. Officers from the Ministry of
Education regional office in Bindura are helpless

12) 01 March 2001: employees of commuter omnibus
operator Leno Trading (Pvt) Ltd with the help of war
veterans impound 22 of their employer’s buses over a
salary dispute

13) 05 March 2001: war veterans in Redcliff a small mining
town near Kwekwe, close down four offices at the
municipal offices alleging that the officers supported the
opposition.

14) 16 March 2001: war veterans driving in vehicles believed
to be from the police support unit close two schools at
Sawmills, west of Bulawayo accusing the teachers of
teaching children opposition slogans

15) 04 April 2001: teachers and other civil servants in
Mashonaland East province are forced to contribute
towards the Independence Day Celebrations while
women are coerced to subscribe to the ZANU (PF)
Women’s League. Some were even asked to chip in with
$100 each towards President Mugabe’ 7th birthday
celebrations. The three levies are called “protection fees”
by the teachers

16) 04 April 2001: war veterans invade Matobo Research
Station near Bulawayo, threatening the smooth operations
of the International Crop Research Institute for Semi-Arid
Tropics.

17) 05 April 2001: Max Rosenfels, a commercial farmer in
Figtree, about 40km south-west of Bulawayc, is given an
ultimatum to remove his cattle from his Sundown North
Farm. Although the farmer wrote a letter to the local
police, he had been bullied by the. use of police vehicles
by the farm occupiers

18) 05 April 2001: war veterans in eight pick-up trucks storm
Lobels Bakery in Harare and ordered the workers to
disband the workers Committee because it was
sympathetic to the opposition MDC. They informed the
workers that they were now in charge of the workers’
welfare. Both the police and the CIO were present but
did nothing to control the activities of the war veterans

19) 05 April 2001: war veterans declare that they will set up
bases in urban constituencies in Zimbabwe in the next four
months as part of efforts by the ruling party to launch a
vicious campaign in cities in the run up to Presidential
elections due 2002. The plan under the “mobilisation
bases” will be in cities where the opposition enjoys
massive following

20) 06 April 2001: war veterans in Kadoma, a town 130 km
west of Harare, closed down three offices at the town
centre over allegations that three of the council’s directors
supported the opposition MDC

21) 06 April 2001: a group of war veterans led about 88
sacked workers of Design Incorporated in a rampage that
ended in the assault of the firm’s executives, including its
general manager. The company which was forced to
temporarily close down, is ironically 40% owned by the
workers

22) 10 April 2001: hordes of war veterans and ZANU (PF)
militias besiege a branch of the Farm and City
Supermarkets and ordered temporarily shut after a fellow
ex-combatant was sacked. The shop only opened 48
hours later after high level talks between management, war
veterans and the police

23) 11 April 2001: Joseph Chinotimba, the chairman of
the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans’
Association’s Harare branch, claims he has taken over as
ZCTU President and he only remains to be registered.
During the same week, Chinotimba and his gang had
confiscated two compressors and a rig worth millions of
dollars from Resource Drilling (Pvt) Ltd in Msasa and
dumped them at the ZANU (PF) headquarters in Harare.
This was designed to force the company to pay exit
packages to retrenched workers on time. In another
incident, Chinotimba had disrupted a crucial meeting
between the management and its auditors at Trinidad
Industries in Msasa and ordered them to stop the
retrenchment of 30 workers

24) 12 April 2001: about 15 war veterans, led by self-styled
Chairman in Chiredzi, Bonface Mutemachani, besieged
the Chiredzi district administrator’s office and booted out
Chief Hlaisi Mundau Tsvovani from a land committee
meeting. Chief Tsvovani was accused of sympathising with
the opposition MDC by testifying against ZANU (PE) in
the High Court. The opposition MDC is challenging the
outcome of last Junes’ parliamentary elections claiming
massive violence on the electorate

25) 13 April 2001 scores of war veterans invaded the Mandel
Training Centre in Harare after they mistook it for the
Commercial Farmers Union head office which is situated
adjacent to the Centre. The war vets were said to have
been given the description of the CFU head office but
failed to read at the entrance as they were eager to storm
the place and meet management

26) 13 April 2001: hundreds of farm workers and their
families in Shamva fled into nearby mountains after about
150 ruling party militias descended on Bamboo Creek
Farm compound demanding they hand over MDC t-shirts
and party cards, The militias searched the workers’
homes but no t-shirts or cards were found, but they still
proceeded to beat the workers with iron rods,
knobkerries and baton sticks.

27) 15 April 2001: war veterans in Mutoko, a hotbed of
political violence in Mashonaland East, demand monthly
taxes from villagers and force them to pledge their loyalty
to the ruling party as they prepare for the 2002
presidential election, Villagers are now paying $100 every
month per head

28) 15 April 2001: school children thwart efforts by war
veterans to terrorise the Headmaster of Murambinda
Secondary School in Buhera because of his alleged
support of the MDC. Pupils at the school mobilised and
ordered the war veterans to leave the school and because
they were few in numbers, the war veterans complied

29) 17 April 2001: war veterans closed Gokwe South rural
district council offices following the suspension of nine
senior council officials on allegations of mismanagement in
January. The Midlands Provincial Governor responded by
setting up an investigating committee

30) 23 April 2001: a group of about 20 war veterans storm
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES), a German NGO in
Harare, and forced them to pay $600 000 the ex-fighters
said were unpaid salaries of former employees. The group
accused FES of funding the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC)

31) 24 April 2001: a group of war veterans continued with
their onslaught on business and other organisations in
Harare, targeting the Avenues Clinic, Macsteel
Zimbabwe, the Meikies Department Stores Group and
the Forestry Commission. At the Avenues they demanded
the reinstatement of 30 workers, some of them dismissed
as far back as 1995. At Macsteel they took away two
black managers after they were told that the white
managing director was away on business. At the other
companies they extracted ·more than $500 000 for
workers retrenched sometime back

32) 30 April 2001: war veterans accuse the ZCTU in press
statements issued in Harare (copies attached). The ZCTU
is accused of being an extension of the opposition that the
war veterans were taking over as the labour department
of the ruling party

33) May 2001: an unregistered trade union supported by war
veterans and ZANU (PF) supporters visited Butler Farm,
a horticulture farm, and held a meeting with management.
The unregistered union was introduced and management
was ordered to work with the union and deduct union
dues for submission to that union. Management was also
ordered not to deal anymore with the General Agriculture
and Plantation Workers Union (GAWUZ), and affiliate of
the ZCTU.

34) 01 May 2001: war veterans countrywide make attempts
to disrupt ZCTU-organised workers day commemorate.
In Harare Joseph Chinotimba, who had earlier on
proclaimed himself “ZCTU President” and a group of his
followers stormed Rufaro Stadium (the venue of workers
day commemorations). In Bulawayo war veterans caused
chaos at the White City Stadium and several people were
arrested. The ZCTU was able to stage its festivities after
which the veterans, now with a handful supporters,
convened their own celebrations after most workers had
left the venues in protest.

35) 04 May 2001: employees of the Cold Storage
Commission, management and war veterans hold a
meeting to discuss reinstatement of the workers dismissed
in 1998. The meeting agreed that the 111 dismissed
workers would be reinstated.

36) 16 May 2001: Mazowe Citrus Estates, the largest
exporter of oranges and processed citrus products in
Zimbabwe, suspends operations after war veterans
demanded the immediate removal of employees suspected
to be sympathetic to the opposition. The Estates employs
close to 10 000 workers.

37) 19 May 2001: The Employers Confederation of
Zimbabwe (EMCOZ) says the interventions in labour
disputes were in over 186 companies countrywide. This
has resulted in the closure of nine companies.

PRESS STATEMENT BY THE
HONOURABLE MINISTER CDE JULY G.
MOYO ON THE CURRENT
INVOLVEMENT OF THE PARTY AND
WAR VETERANS IN LABOUR DISPUTES

There has been a steady increase of workers who have
reported their labour dispute grievances to the offices of the
ZANU P.F Party and the War Veterans since the last general
elections, followed also by the current enormous
retrenchments being exercised by employers which has made
thousands of workers to be in the streets.

The Party and the War Veterans have attended to these cases
and in most cases giving immediate results in favour of the
workers.

This has caused more and more workers to seek refuge with
the Party and the War Veterans. My Ministry does not object
the right of the workers or the employer for that matter to
seek assistance from any person or organisation of their
choice, however my concern is that such help should be given
following the provisions of the law within the structures set up
by Government.

In normal situations where an employee has a grievance the
employee takes his grievance to the employer through the
representation of a union to settle the matter. In the event that
there is no
agreement at that level the matter could then go outside the
company following the structures given by law to resolve such
disputes.

Outside the company. the matter may be referred to the
Employment Council, which is composed of registered trade
unions and employer associations.

The matter may also be referred to the Labour Department
and to the Labour Tribunal until it reaches the Supreme Court.
These are the structures provided for by the law and I would
wish to urge those who have interest to give assistance in
labour dispute issues to recognize these structures. What we
believe is the major problem in this instance is perhaps the
attitude of some employers which sometimes leaves a lot to be
desired.

When one examines the nature of some of the cases which
have been reported to the party and the War Veterans one
would find that most of the cases are those which, had been
attended to and given judgment by my Ministry and in most
cases in favour of the workers, but some employers have
taken advantage of the current situation where we have a
serious back log of cases at the Labour Tribunal. The
employers have resorted to appeal their cases to the Tribunal
even in most frivolous cases that he is aware at the end of the
day he would loose. This being done just to fix the workers.
This kind of attitude has added fuel to the fire and has to stop
immediately.

The other discernible problem area is the vacuum that has
been left by Trade Unions to represent their workers in times
of difficulties, which really is one of· the reasons why workers
have sought alternative avenues to seek redress to their
problems- I therefore urge Trade Unions to do their job as
provided for by the law so that we can bring this problem to
normalcy.

On our part the problem has mainly been shortage of staff
both in the Department and in the Labour Relations Tribunal.

We are currently attending to the problems. We have now
appointed three more members to the Labour Relations
Tribunal and we believe this will go a long way in reducing the
backlog of cases we now have.

I want to end by reiterating that there is nothing peculiar by
workers going to the Party or War Veterans or any other
person or organisational to seek assistance what is wrong is to
resolve such disputes outside the structures given by the law.

I have had two meetings with the leadership of ZANU (P.F.)
party and the War Veterans in connection with thus issue.
We are agreed that there is a need to promote harmonious
Labour Relations in the country to enhance higher productivity
and minimize disruption at places of work. To achieve this we
have agreed the manner in which reported cases would be
handled through the contact persons identified by my Ministry.

PRESS STATEMENT BY THE
CHAIRMAN OF ZANU (PF) HARARE
PROVINCE AMBASSADOR AMOS MIDZI
ON LABOUR RELATIONS PROBLEMS IN
THE PROVINCE 24 APRIL 2001

As the Chairman of ZANU (F-~) Harare Province. I would
like to urge all employers and workers to pay special
attention to the need to resolve all labour related issues in a
manner that is underpinned by the desire and determination to
seek an improvement in the standard of life of all our people.

Until ZANU (PF) brought about national independence in
1980, the worker in Zimbabwe had never received a fair deal
in labour relations. His rights were regained as part and parcel
of winning self-determination and national sovereignty.

The employer on his part had tended to take refuge in colonial
and racist attitudes of the master and servant mentality.

For the record, ZANU (PF) played a pivotal role in the
formation of ZCTU in an honest effort to set up a fair and
equitable system of labour conflict resolution at the shop floor
level, The Union was to serve as a genuine champion of
workers interests as is the practice the world over,

Of late, political chancers and false prophets have infiltrated
the labour movement. Instead of representing workers
interest, they are now pursuing the mirage of political power.
They want to use the workers for their selfish goal of
ensconcing themselves at State House. They have gone as far
as setting up a pseudo-workers Party.

Curiously this pseudo-workers Party enjoys the generous
patronage of the bosses as well as being opulently funded by
the metropolitan centres of capital.

The roots of the present labour activism lie n the realisation by
the workers that they were being duped. This explains their
disenchantment with the misguided elements in the leadership
of ZCTU.

As a last resort they have turned to ZANU (PF) the Party that
historically fought for their rights as part of the struggle for
independence.

The party leadership in Harare Province would like to see the
City of Harare that works, and the Municipality of
Chitungwiza that works, We therefore have decided, after
close consultations, to put in place a mechanism that will
enable us to handle the multitudes of labour issues that
workers continue to bring to the party, A committee
composed of the following Provincial Executive Members will
handle all enquiries and reports from both employees and
employers.
worker disenchantment with the treachery of a certain section
of the leadership of ZCTU is the root of the current labour
activisms.

ZANU (PE) Harare Province believes that the solution to the
current labour problems lie in genuine worker representation
at shop floor level, in honest dialogue between employer and
workers. The recourse to the Harare Province by workers
exposes the false-political façade of a certain party as being
the champion of workers. Executive members will handle all
enquiries and reports from both employees and workers.:

1. Christopher Pasipamire – Deputy Chairman
2. Joseph Chinotimba – Political Commisar
3. Joel Muzhamba – Secretary for Production and Labour
4. Joice Kasinamunda – Secretary for production and
Labour (Women’s League)
5. Mcdonald Tome – Secretary for Production and Labour
(Youth League)

I urge and appeal to all workers who have work related
grievance which they may
want to bring to the party to contact the above comrades. No one else beside
the five has the authority of the party to handle labour related issues brought
to ZANU (PF) Harare Province Head Quarters. As the leadership of the Party in
Harare Province, we fully support the position taken by his Excellency of Cde
President Robert Mugabe, that politically motivated closures of companies
should not be accepted by government.

10.5 Statement by the War Veterans

We the War Veterans, Harare Province acknowledge and accept that we will work
together with the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare in
instances of labour disputes.

Pursuant to this, we will gladly accept for arbitration and solution of any
complaints of an industrial nature from ALL workers in Zimbabwe regardless of
their race, creed or colour or political affiliation provided all the
complaints have followed legal channels and do not disrupt productivity.

If we are approached by any aggrieved worker, we will get in touch with the
Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare as well as the relevant
ZANU (PF) Party Officials so that together we can solve the problem(s)

As war veterans we are committed to work with the Party
and as well as the committee that has been set to work with
the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare.

May I take this opportunity to invite all workers in and around
Harare and all War Veterans to go in their thousands to
Rufaro Stadium on May Day where we will all meet and
celebrate.

Patrick Craven and Moloto Mothapo
Acting COSATU Spokespersons

[email protected]
082-821-7456
339-4911

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