An alliance of six opposition parties in Togo has urged the government to postpone presidential elections due on 24 April, saying free and fair polls cannot be organised in such a short space of time. The opposition parties, who support the candidature of Emmanuel Bob Akitani, called for the postponement and stronger international involvement in the electoral process at a rally of several thousand people in the capital Lome on Saturday.

Thank you for your work. Congratulations especially for sharing the most recent pieces on Zimbabwe. They make us think, not just react ideologically. Congratulations to the writers and also to those who make Pambazuka News possible.

We must work harder still. We are slowly getting to the proper framework, one which encompasses all the rupture points from 1492. It is not only in Zimbabwe that people are trying to think and practice emancipatory politics. It has been done from as far back as 1492, not only in Africa, but in all the parts of the world which came under conquest in the name of THE system. When the slaves in Haiti said enough is enough, they kept at it from 1791 through 1804, without human rights organizations, with only their conviction that slavery was inhuman. What sustained them is that conviction: fidelity to humanity. Can one revive that connection? Why not? Why should all African peoples stand by and allow the next summit of the francophone take place in Port Au Prince in solidarity with the current regime in place.

Is it possible to stand up and say NO. Is it possible, today, to practice what the slaves did back then: fidelity to humanity. If Africa has been accepted, the cradle of humanity, then, it seems to me, one should do everything one can do to make sure that it does not become part and parcel of turning the Planet into a grave. How? It is a challenge for us all.

I would like to thank you for publishing our statements and background about Breaking The Wall of Silence. I am sure that you add value and have expanded our hand of information disemination throughout africa and the world. BWS will continue to inform and will send articles as they come to Pambazuka News. Thank you.

As for the Zimbabwean crisis, which is not Zimbabweas' alone but affects us all, I wouldnt agree more with Mary (Ndlovu) on her analysis of what Zimbabwe may look like after the elections. My take on Zimbabwe is that our leadership in SADC and in Africa has failed Zimbabwe. Our leaders seemingly have no intention to live up to the standards they set for themselves. Unfortunately there are no mechanisms in place to hold the misbehaving governments accountable.

Time is up for SADC and African leadership, there will be no rescue mission from our leaders for Zimbabwe. It is also evident that Zimbabweans alone cannot help themselves out of the misery. It is a challenge for citizens of Africa to help their brothers and sisters in Zimbabwe. To give them refuge in my opinion is not enough, Zimbabweans have to live in their country and deserve a better life. Solidarity alone is not enough, civil society has a role to play and I appreciate the efforts thus far. We need to encourage our governments to talk to President Mugabe, we need to confront our governments on their role and position on the Zimbabwe crisis. We need to protest visits of the Zimbabwean government to our countries, we cannot receive Mugabe on a red carpet and claim to be in solidarity with Zimbabweans. Thank you.

Vol. 1, No. 1 (2005) of International Journal of Education and Development using ICT has now been published online at: http://ijedict.dec.uwi.edu//viewissue.php?id=3 The International Journal of Education and Development using Information and Communication Technology (IJEDICT) is an e-journal that provides free and open access to all of its content.

* EDITORIAL: Mary Ndlovu introduces three articles on the Zimbabwean elections (in the Editorial and Comment and Analysis sections) arguing that it is impossible for anyone to say with any certainty what Zimbabwe will look like one month from now. But whatever happens, she says, democracy in the region must be built from the bottom up.
* COMMENT AND ANALYSIS: Steve Kibble explains how the crisis in Zimbabwe is about security and questions how to shift the monopoly on security from the military so that it addresses the concerns of those without power.
* COMMENT AND ANALYSIS: Janah Ncube outlines the political dynamics effecting Zanu-PF and the MDC, stating that the March 31 election might not be as predictable as everyone thinks.
* LETTERS: Readers respond on: Bleeding heart do-gooders; Columnists who can’t stop complaining; and genocide in Zimbabwe. Send your views to [email protected]
* PAN-AFRICAN POSTCARD: Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem criticizes African leaders for talking about self-determination but being the first to run to the West for aid.
* AFRICAN UNION WATCH: What did the Commission for Africa have to say about the African Union? This article includes extracts from the Commission report on conflict prevention, education, health and more…
* CONFLICTS AND EMERGENCIES: Whole communities in Angola lose their land without compensation due to diamond mining, says a recent report.
* HUMAN RIGHTS: An Amnesty International report says the fight against terrorism is bad news for human rights in Kenya.
* WOMEN AND GENDER: The struggle for the ratification of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa continues.
* DEVELOPMENT: Wolf 1 gives way for Wolf 2 at the World Bank, with clear implications for global civil society.
* HEALTH/HIV/AIDS: News on World TB Day and the Indian Patents Act.
* AND…The latest jobs, courses, campaigns and email lists.

>>>>>PAMBAZUKA NEWS TURNS 200! On March 31, Pambazuka News will release its 200th edition. The milestone represents a journey from an e-newsletter with a few hundred subscribers to one with over 15 000 subscribers; from an e-newsletter that nobody knew about to one that is widely distributed on the African continent.

We invite subscribers to celebrate with us and send us a birthday greeting. Tell us about your experience with the newsletter and how you find it of use. Please send comments to [email protected]

We, the undersigned, wish to express to you our grave concern about the continuing abuse of human rights in Zimbabwe. We are asking all members of the African Union (AU) to call publicly on the Government of Zimbabwe to implement in full the recommendations made by the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights in the report of its 2002 Fact-Finding Mission to Zimbabwe.

The African Commission Fact-Finding Mission visited Zimbabwe in June 2002 and the AU adopted the Commission's findings and recommendations in January 2005. The Fact-Finding Mission took place in the context of Zimbabwe's obligations under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, to which it is party. In its report, the African Commission concluded that "human rights violations occurred in Zimbabwe". The Commission made several substantive recommendations for action by the Government of Zimbabwe. The majority of the human rights concerns documented by the African Commission Fact-Finding Mission in 2002 remain serious problems today.

Tony Blair's Report for the Commission for Africa has been released in order: "to define the challenges facing Africa, and to provide clear recommendations on how to support the changes needed to reduce poverty.” The Commission states from the offset that they see 2005 as the year for Africa. The Report outlines very specific recommendations related to topics such as causes, trade, economic growth, culture, education, governance, capacity building, healthcare, violent conflict, water, HIV/AIDS, women, donors and implementation. However, this summary highlights specific references and recommendations that the Report has made to the African Union.

Conflict Prevention

With unresolved conflicts in places such as the Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Ethiopia, the goal towards the prevention and resolution of conflict appears to be a reasonable area of concern for the Commission for Africa. Specifically the Report urges donors to "fund at least 50 per cent of the AU's Peace Fund from 2005 onwards". By using initiatives and bodies such as the pan-African Parliament, AU's New Partnership for Africa's Development (AU/NEPAD) and the African Peer Review Mechanism, the Report believes in an encouraging future. The Commission highlights the importance of the political involvement and financial contributions of developed countries, established organisations and individual donors to help establish an African Union which is an important, effective, international peacekeeping group. Further, "the African Union (AU ) has moved towards putting the concept of 'non-indifference', which recognises the responsibility of member states to promote human security, into practice" by responding to instability. In order to achieve this goal, the AU would need to create an agenda for action which would raise the standards of infrastructure, financial and human resources needs.

The prevention and resolution of violent conflict through "'Early warning systems', risk assessments and fact-finding missions" could improve the distribution of information, reduce the risk of conflict and provide adequate response activities. Further, the development of ‘open-source’ early warning systems, African think-tanks and universities on peace and security are ways of using education and capacity-building methods to mobilizing responses.

Education

Education is another way that awareness is built and skills are encouraged. Through the AU/NEPAD 'e-learning' pilot scheme, more appropriate curricula in educational programs would be supported and ensured. "The regional networks should also support African governments in developing systems for the accreditation and quality assurance of education, vocational and teacher training".

Health and HIV/AIDS

Concerning healthcare in Africa, the Commission emphasised the need for African governments to invest in their public healthcare systems as a first step. As a second step, donors would be required to "provide US$7 billion over five years […] behind the Health Strategy and Initial Programme of Action, of the African Union’s NEPAD programme". The Initial Programme of Action is an attempt to tackle years of oversight, disregard and deficient resources that have infringed on healthcare. AU/NEPAD and the World Bank would be responsible for creating networks, encouraging aid and resource-building to develop global partnerships and guidelines.

Emerging from African leadership, the Initial Programme of Action is a short-term, catalytic plan to build and renovate the foundations for health systems in a coherent manner. It is setting out to tackle the years of neglect and conflicting approaches.

Further, the AU 's Presidential Initiative, AIDS Watch Africa, and the AU /NEPAD Fight against AIDS Strategy have received a significant amount of support and the Commission predicts that they will most likely be merged into a single AU strategy which focuses on AIDS. However, budgetary support from donors for these initiatives is crucial.

Social exclusion and vulnerable groups

In order to build countries and organisations that are based on a rights and inclusion framework, donors need to support the AU's NEPAD Programme and countries to develop social protection strategies by 2007. This would require the development of analysis and good practice on issues related to orphans, vulnerable children and groups who are excluded from acquiring rights. The Commission recommends that "Donors and African Governments should provide financial and other support to the Gender and Development Directorate of the AU, to AU /NEPAD and to the African Gender and Development Centre of the Economic Commission for Africa."

Growth and poverty reduction

Priorites and the sharing of best practices between both businesses and governments needs to be encouraged. This needs to be supported at the "the regional, national, urban and rural priorities identified by AU /NEPAD, the Regional Economic Communities (RECs), national governments, local authorities and municipalities, the private sector and poor people - and should avoid funding prestige projects that have so often turned into white elephants in the past." “We, the Heads of State and Government of the African Union... [are] concerned that at the current growth rates, Africa is at risk of not attaining the MDGs... [We are] convinced that high and sustained economic growth is a necessary but not sufficient condition to reduce poverty”.

Agriculture and rural development

Agricultural projects need to support the AU /NEPAD's Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Framework, focusing on "irrigation and post-harvest infrastructure; research, innovation and extension; security of tenure and land rights; and a well planned strategy of urbanisation that recognises the role of small towns in encouraging growth and trade through the development of local and regional markets."

Rights of Women

The empowerment of women in relation to access to land, education and economic and social assets needs to be addressed. “Recommended actions include improving women's access to training in basic business skills and market opportunities; and implementing legislation that guarantees land, property and inheritance rights for women […] These are essential not only for gender equality and poverty reduction, but also for the development of a diverse and vibrant private sector.”

Poverty Reduction

In order to rid developing countries of past debts while preventing future ones, more attention and involvement is required of the AU in aid distribution and country selections. Further, it is important to assess the need of countries more closely in order to ensure that they are receiving the best type of aid for their problems.

African leadership and world partnership

The African Union and NEPAD have been created to focus on the idea that “Africa's development must be shaped by Africans.” This involves cooperation and sustainable development on the part of all African countries. The Commission said it had seen progress in many countries and viewed the Peer Review Mechanism as having the ability to provide legitimacy and oversight within the AU. The AU and African regional organisations must continue to work towards reducing and controlling conflict and good governance with peace and security. However, "the grip of weak governance, corruption and conflict in many parts of Africa is still strong. It can and must be loosened and overcome."

* Rina Alluri works for Fahamu

* Pleased send comments to

Zimbabwe’s recent history has fascinated the pundits, academics and analysts who study the stunted development of democracy in a post-liberation state. On the ground it has not been so engaging, as one round of voting after another comes and goes, and every aspect of life – economic, political, moral, social, even spiritual – loses quality.

Democratic elections are supposed to give a nation an opportunity to reflect and choose – to continue with the current policies and leadership or to give others a chance. When an economy falters and people’s lives become more difficult, sitting governments normally pay the price, whether or not they are responsible for the problems. But in Zimbabwe, when a government wilfully destroys an entire economy, and leads the whole nation into catastrophic collapse, misery and even starvation, elections have failed to provide opportunities to punish those responsible by removing them from power. As far as their democratic role is concerned – to hold governments responsible and bring them to account – elections have been exercises in futility. Will the 2005 Parliamentary elections be any different?

In February 2000, ZANU PF discovered, in a rare moment of truth, that they were unpopular enough to be defeated at the polls, in spite of all the advantages they had in controlling most of the media, the electoral machinery and all the state security apparatus. They immediately began the process of ensuring that no matter what the people wanted, never again would ZANU PF lose a vote. The electoral process would be turned into a stage-managed spectacle.

Within a few weeks of their unexpected defeat, ZANU PF had begun to put in place a new strategy. They pulled out their trump card of land seizures, accompanied by violence and intimidation. They added to it a manipulation of the electoral process which went just far enough to secure them a continued lien on state power. However, the legitimacy of the process was already under question. The legal challenges mounted against the results were never allowed to reach their conclusion, but the evidence is convincing that the declared results of the June 2000 parliamentary elections did not reflect the people’s will.

By 2002 when Presidential elections were held, ZANU PF had added more weapons to their arsenal: subversion of an independent judiciary, strangulation of the media and the withdrawal of civil liberties. With these essential underpinnings of any democracy gone, it is hardly surprising that the “democratic” elections produced a result similar to that in 2000: a disputed outcome, condemned by most of the observers who had not pre-judged it, but with ZANU PF remaining in control. Since then, they have perfected their manipulation to such an extent that they are now not afraid to reduce the level of overt violence and claim to the world that they have put in place a fair system. But the proof is in the guest list – only those who are friends of ZANU PF and gave previously disputed elections a clean bill of health will be allowed to observe in 2005.

Faced with this clearly biased situation, the opposition MDC appealed to the international community to save themselves and Zimbabwe from another charade. Europe and North America had already condemned the electoral process as fatally flawed and had begun to withhold aid; Zimbabwe had quit the Commonwealth when her suspension was upheld. What remained was Africa, and specifically the Southern African regional grouping of SADC, where all eyes fell on President Mbeki to offer a solution. In 2004, the SADC nations signed a Protocol which set election standards for the members, holding out a promise that the region might indeed insist on fair elections in Zimbabwe. Doubting Mugabe’s commitment, the MDC suspended participation in any elections until ZANU PF adhered to these standards. ZANU PF felt obligated to make a few changes – some meaningful and others quite prejudicial, and the debate raged about whether or not the SADC standards were being met. Mugabe obviously believes he will be able to get away with cosmetic changes, reducing the overt violence while keeping the essential mechanics of control in place.

The MDC recognised the uneven playing field when they suspended their participation in elections last August. The pressures on ZANU PF which they hoped to provoke did not materialise. The new electoral legislation is worse than what went before. Overt violence has decreased, but is no longer needed as the intimidation remains. So why is the MDC contesting? Have they learned nothing in the past five years? Don’t they know that ZANU PF will not give up power through the ballot? Haven’t they understood that the international community will not save them from a faulty election?

It was a difficult decision. International players, friendly and otherwise, put on the pressure to contest. The majority within the party structures wanted to contest, so how could a democratic party do otherwise than fulfil the wishes of the membership? Underlying the decision to participate was a deeper reality: MDC was formed as a political party with a mandate to remove ZANU PF through elections. Not to contest would have implied they had another plan, which they didn’t, and would have almost certainly led to a split in the party. Tsvangirai’s “damned if we do, damned if we don’t” is true in many senses – suicide or murder – which would you choose?

Until a few weeks ago, with Mbeki insisting that the role of SADC was to help Zimbabwe produce a fair election, there was still a hope that he pressurise President Mugabe to postpone the election until an independent electoral machinery could be put in place, the voters roll up dated, and repressive legislation repealed. But no positive steps were taken. In the final weeks before the election, Mbeki exposed his commitment to Mugabe by announcing that he saw no reason why the election should not be free and fair. Then President Mwanawasa of Zambia said he would never intervene in Zimbabwe.

The observer factor turned into something of a circus as ZANU PF changed the rules at will, making up excuses why they shouldn’t invite anyone who disagreed with them, excluding the SADC Parliamentary Forum, EISA, and even shortening the visas of individual members of South African delegations. As the observers arrive it has become even worse: the head of the South African Government delegation announced on arrival that the election would be free and fair. MDC then refused to talk to them and said they would deal with the ANC delegation only. Some opposition members of the South African Parliamentary delegation have already left for home. It appears that the lion has gobbled up his tamer, but the show goes on, a complete farce, with no credibility whatsoever. Too bad about the lion tamer. But has anyone noticed?

Zimbabwe and the whole region desperately need a resolution of the current multi-faceted crisis. But since it is essentially one of legitimacy, the election must produce a result which is accepted as genuine by the Zimbabwean people, the region and the international community as a whole. The chance for this has now been pre-empted by ZANU PF’s tightening rather than loosening of undemocratic controls, and the region’s apparent endorsements. What is the likely outcome?

ZANU PF has very little to offer Zimbabweans which would attract voters. In the five years since the last Parliamentary election, the country has lurched from one disaster to another; even the President has admitted that the land redistribution has largely failed, and the country can no longer feed itself; agricultural exports have collapsed, industry has shrunk, mining is under threat, and the human development index has dropped below what it was in 1975.

Just how all these problems will end if we vote “against Blair” is not revealed. A frenzy of election teasers has been showered on the doubtful – huge salary increases for civil servants, vehicles and electricity for chiefs, pensions for pre-independence ex-detainees previously ignored, fiats from on high prohibiting price increases on critical commodities. But few are fooled. Elections are Christmases in Zimbabwe; Father Christmas visits with his bag of goodies and then retreats to the North Pole to play with his elves. Why should Zimbabweans be any different from people around the world, who recognize when their governments have failed and show them the door? It is clear that, given a free choice, Zimbabweans would not wish to continue with leaders who appropriate to themselves the little remaining wealth and resources and ruthlessly crush those who would dare to complain.

There will of course be some who willingly vote for ZANU PF. Those who benefit from the plunder; those whose crimes are ignored by a police and judiciary partial to the ruling party; those whose lives have been intertwined with a political party of liberation, and like their leader, do not wish to face the reality that the past is history; the misguided who have fallen for the propaganda bait; and most significantly those who are afraid, who want to ensure a food supply, who do not want the “trouble” which would ensue if their communities were to be seen to be voting against a powerful establishment.

But there is disunity within the party. In previous elections, when disputes rocked the ruling party, they papered over the cracks and pulled together against a common enemy. But can the spectacular eruption which blew apart the party congress in December be overcome? Will the losers in the succession stakes be content to bide their time, and support the winners through the election? Is Jonathan Moyo now an irrelevant maverick, or do he and ZANU PF still have a hidden agenda? Observers have been surprised by the lack of energy in the ZANU PF campaign, the uninspiring campaign materials. Is it possible that the open rift has affected their capacity? Or is there a lack of funds, with known funders expelled, bankers on the run and enormous amounts of money required to pay reluctant campaigners?

The MDC, on the other hand, seems confident. ZANU PF’s desire to make this seem like a fair campaign means that the violence is reduced, and it has been necessary to allow opposition campaign meetings. Violence and fear are still factors, of course, especially in Mashonaland, with many already targeted while others are threatened; but meetings are being held, some of them huge. The mood is exuberant, joyous, relaxed, in contrast to ZANU PF’s threatening diatribes addressed to obviously bemused school children and resentful adults.

Given the decision to participate, what has MDC to offer the electorate? They promise to free the country from the oppressive rule of ZANU PF, restore the rule of law, rebuild the economy, provide jobs, make agriculture productive again, make primary education free and health care available. Some MDC operatives are convinced that in spite of the tilted playing field, there is such disaffection in the country that they can still win the election. They are right about the disaffection - the people are seething with anger - but whether they can translate that into MDC ballots in the box is another question. Already many hundreds of thousands, especially of young people, have not bothered to register as voters. Many of the most committed party activists from 2000 and 2002 are no longer around, having fled from violence or simply concluded that Zimbabwe is not a good place to make a life any more. Some are disgruntled over the results of primary elections, and there is a lack of money for campaigning. Yet, in spite of the bleak realities, the mood is up-beat, optimistic, reinforced daily as reports of successful rallies and ZANU PF defections flood in from rural areas. Many of the rank and file are euphoric, convinced that this time they will march to victory.

But the number of people who actually vote for ZANU PF is only part of the equation. Can MDC win the count as well as the vote? As members of MDC become aware that a solitary election agent in each polling station will bear the responsibility for ensuring that no cheating takes place, they are realising how unreliable the process is, even if they do manage to attract a huge majority of the voters. Transforming a majority of ballots in the boxes into counted and recorded opposition votes is another challenge altogether. Even the official monitor whose task is to ensure that procedures are followed fairly, will be government appointed. And the foreign observers upon whom some were counting, will all be friends of ZANU PF. The faulty voters roll, and the manipulation of the voting process as well as the counting should provide success for the ZANU PF plan.
.
But there are other imponderables. The rigging depends on compliant electoral officials. To make sure that a discontented civil service does not upset the plan, the new Electoral Act provides for uniformed and non-uniformed services to man the polling stations and the entire electoral machinery. Uniformed personnel act under orders, and we have ample sworn testimony from previous elections that even when voting they were instructed to display their votes for ZANU PF. Can the party rely on these soldiers to do the job? Just in case they can’t, the brainwashed, mbanje-smoking National Youth Service, otherwise known as militia or green bombers have also been drafted in. While this time it will be more difficult to stuff ballot boxes or replace genuine boxes with fake ones, the system still allows ample opportunity for falsification of results by those who are so inclined.

What is the likely scenario? The election is held. Most people vote for MDC. The results are announced declaring a win for ZANU PF – with an increased majority. It will not be exactly a replay of 2000 or 2002, because this time there will probably be protests. Civic groups and some MDC members mount street demonstrations. Militia backed up by riot police and soldiers break them up, with casualties. Many are arrested. It’s over. After a week or two, compromised observer groups make mild criticisms of some aspects of the election, but endorse the result and call for restraint on all sides. ZANU PF is still in power; we have expended enormous amounts of time, energy and money, and we have achieved nothing.

Civil society organisations in South Africa and elsewhere will protest, but in the short term they are not likely to have a decisive effect. What will be the future of a government with a lukewarm endorsement from its friendly neighbours and the cold shoulder from much of the rest of the world? The economic problems, unemployment, collapsed services, will still be there, shouting for attention. Instead of economic recovery; government will move more rapidly towards a completely controlled, command economy. “New farmers” who have no title to their land may be instructed what to grow, will have prices fixed by the state and inputs erratically and preferentially supplied. War veterans, now joined by ex-detainees, will remain a huge drain on the economy, drawing a pension larger than the majority of those who work for a living. With a government considered illegitimate by most of those who have the means to invest, and policies becoming ever more irrational, the government will not attract investment from anywhere. Inflation will take off again due to the effects of stalled production and massive borrowing to finance expenditure.

Suggestions that at that point both ZANU PF and MDC will be persuaded to “talk” are surely misplaced. Why would ZANU PF want to talk in 2005 when they have not been willing to talk for the past three years? They have shown no sign whatsoever that they understand or care about the dire situation of the majority of Zimbabweans. Repression against civil society groups is more likely to be intensified. As the succession battle resumes, ZANU PF itself may continue with further infighting, which could even involve different factions of the army. The suggestion of a peaceful transition to a new-look ZANU PF which will restore the economy is surely fanciful, and any such government would have to eventually face the electorate, no more willing to hand over the reins of power than the present leadership is. The future looks bleak and dangerous.

But could it be different? Could street protests be strong enough to face down the police of army? Not likely. Could an MDC win actually be announced? Possibly. It will depend on the effectiveness of the rigging, the competence of the MDC election agents, and the commitment of ZANU PF to announce a win at all costs, whatever the results reported. Here’s another scenario: As the counting proceeds, and some results are announced, it becomes clear that ZANU PF has lost; a delay might occur as they argue about what to do. In the meantime, the people begin to demand a genuine result. MDC announces their own count, which gives them a win. Government calls in the army and riot police, dispersing any groups which have gathered. Arrests are made, and we arrive at the same point at which we reached in the first scenario, but this time no official results have yet been announced; government quickly announces their victory, observers dilly dally and the repression begins. Would regional governments then act? Why should they? If they weren’t prepared to talk tough up to now, why should they in 2005?

Then we could look at another scenario, less likely perhaps, but in some views not impossible. As results are announced, MDC seats tally more than last time, reaching 65, or even an outright majority. This would certainly expose ZANU PF’s legitimacy and Robert Mugabe’s right to rule as President; but the constitution gives him the Presidency until 2008, no matter what happens in Parliament. Unless MDC wins 75 seats, he will still have a majority in Parliament by virtue of his right to appoint 20 MPs outright, and the chiefs’ right to elect 10, generally government supporters. He can appoint a Cabinet from among the ZANU PF members of Parliament. But if MDC has 75 seats, the ability to pass legislation would be strangled; this might lead him to dissolve Parliament and try for another more congenial result. Gaining less than half of the elected seats in a clearly flawed poll would put ZANU PF’s mandate to govern in serious question, even for friendly neighbouring governments. ZANU PF would doubtless attempt to soldier on, perhaps literally, with support from the army, but would it finally turn Mbeki’s loyalty? Not likely, unless South African civil society continued to pressurise effectively, and desperate Zimbabweans poured in ever greater numbers across the borders.

We cannot today see through the dark glass; what Zimbabwe will look like even one month from now cannot be known by anyone. But several issues have become clear:

- The people of Zimbabwe are palpably angry and unwilling to tolerate ZANU PF’s continued rule.

- Their ability to translate their wishes into a valid election result are seriously hampered by the prejudicial electoral legislation and machinery, but they have found no alternative course.

- If ZANU PF seizes another victory against the will of Zimbabweans, disaster in many forms lies ahead, including total economic collapse and possibly even civil conflict or war, with dire consequences for the region.

- SADC governments’ unwillingness to insist on the electoral standards they themselves agreed in Mauritius appears to signal that they are not prepared to implement them for their own countries either.

- Democrats in the whole region should now be awake to the reality that whether Independence or the end of apartheid was won through armed struggle or otherwise, governments cannot be trusted with the task of defending democracy, in their own countries or anywhere else.

- Whatever occurs in Zimbabwe in the next few weeks, there is a long road ahead for the building of democracy in Southern Africa, from the bottom up, with much struggle to claim rights against the autocratic tendencies of all the governments and ruling parties of the region.

“March 31st, Freedom Day” shout the enthusiasts of the MDC. Even in the unlikely event that they celebrate on April 1, the lesson for the whole region should be clear: freedom and democracy remain the first item on the agenda for the next generation. The struggle continues.

* Mary Ndlovu is a Zimbabwean human rights activist.

* Please send comments to

* Previous editorials from Mary Ndlovu in Pambazuka News:
- Zimbabwe in March 2004: Four years from the beginning of the plunge

105
- March, Zimbabwe’s month of destiny: Pambazuka News 55, 2002

- Amnesty International report on the run-up to elections
http://hrw.org/backgrounder/africa/zimbabwe0305/
- Essential news and events on the elections from Kubatana
www.kubatana.net
- No solution to the Zimbabwe crisis by Brian Raftopoulos
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/news/2005/March/Friday18/1892.html
- Pre-election analysis from the South African Institute of
International Affairs (SAIIA)
http://www.sarpn.org.za/documents/d0001143/index.php
- Labour and union issues in the Zimbabwean agriculture sector
http://www.sarpn.org.za/documents/d0001159/index.php
- Zvakwana - Enough is Enough: A must visit website for activists
http://www.zvakwana.org/
- Report by social movement observer delegation to Zimbabwe

- Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe

There is much anxiety that is gripping Zimbabweans concerning the upcoming general elections at the end of March this year. In 2000 and 2002 the country’s voting population was clearly divided into those who vote for the MDC and ZANU PF. Any attempts by the smaller political parties or independent candidates to have an impact on the political process was immaterial. Those who cast their votes for the MDC did so because of the hope and change they anticipated for the greater Zimbabwe democracy project but indeed more importantly how this change would translate to their being more secure, better fed, housed, clothed and being employed.

Many of those who cast their votes for ZANU PF were intimidated into doing so and of course as I have said before, there are still those who have clung to it for the ideals that ZANU PF used to stand for and represent. Yet others have remained committed to it because of the benefits to their pockets and stomachs it has brought them.

Because the political climate in Zimbabwe today is much different from both 2000 and 2002, it is highly likely that the voting patterns and trends of the electorate will change and give a completely different picture to what we saw happen in the last general election. My greatest concern is that this election will see a very low and poor voter turnout. This would be ominous for MDC and is probably what ZANU PF hopes for. If the 2003 urban local government elections are anything to go by, then my suspicions will materialise to actuality. The highest average voter turnout in those elections was 37% in Redcliff and the lowest average was 12% in Chitungwiza and Bulawayo, the rest were between 25 and 34%. Considering that previous trends show the MDC’s strongholds to be urban locations, this does not look good for them. However, if the figures for ZANU PF’s primaries are to be used as a gauge, they too should be just as worried as they will rely on their staunch membership for votes as compared to the ordinary voter who is not involved in party politics, this time, both in the rural and urban areas.

There are many reasons that can be given for a likely poor turnout. The extent of the desecration of Zimbabwe’s socio economic state has sucked joy from most of Zimbabwe’s hardworking people and instead impregnated them with despair, hopelessness and disillusionment in the political process as a means to solve the country and everyday individual problems. People are suffering. Most can not afford to feed themselves and their families, they can not afford to pay their bills such as rent, water and electricity, they can not afford to send their children to clinics or hospitals neither can they find or afford doctors and medicines. Reserve Bank Governor Gono can brag all he wants about how much better our economy is doing, it means nothing to those who know that each day is more expensive for them to meet their basic needs. The quality of life for the greater majority of Zimbabweans has been amazingly eroded as basic necessities such as transport to work, lunch at work and recreational activities have become luxuries that are out of reach.

Other factors include the violence and intimidation people have been living with for the past 5 years. The senselessness with which ZANU PF unleashed its terror armies and used state organs such as the police and army to sustain its assault on civic society, the MDC, activists and the general public has indeed left a dent on many who suffered for sins they did not even commit. Others will be too afraid to vote and yet others will not care to vote as that particular action will not emit a different experience for them; you will get harassed whether you vote or not, so why bother.

Because of the closure of the Daily News, which had enabled news that was not ZANU PF and voices that were not ZANU PF to be regularly heard, the MDC lost a spot were it could continually visibilise itself, defend itself and send out its own messages. This did generate a perception to the general public that they are not active, are not doing anything or saying anything. People would complain that the MDC had gone silent and they would not realise that the MDC had been denied a platform by the ZANU PF to go about its business of engaging the public. Even though it’s a matter not of its own doing, it will dent the MDC. If people keep on hearing the same message over and over again they will eventually believe what they hear or will use what they hear as a basis to measure truth, especially in the absence of a different message. The consistent propaganda people have been listening to over the past three years without a counter voice has formulated in people’s minds as a basis of some-version-of-truth.

While I have always paid tribute to the MDC for being a David that challenges a Goliath (much stronger, bigger, older, more resourced and fierce looking) it is truth that it has made many blunders with its internal politics, which were heralded, to the public by their enemy’s mouth pieces. What people heard about the MDC, they heard from ZANU PF mouthpieces and so their image to the average Zimbabwean who is not in its structures is a bit disfigured by ZANU PF’s sinister exaggerations. ZANU PF on the other hand is also seriously fractured right now due to its own internal conflicts centred around the much loathed professor Jonathan Moyo and his Tsholotsho bandwagon, to add to this, they are still recovering from cheating, beating and stealing from each other at the primary elections.

Yes, ZANU PF was in power and could still pass the legislation it wanted since they had the majority in Parliament and as government were in the driving seat. It may look like there isn’t much that was benefited from having an opposition like the MDC in Parliament as unconstitutional and regressive laws that assault our rights kept on coming out of Parliament. What needs to be observed as well is that for the first time in a long time ZANU PF was continuously being challenged every time Parliament was in session. This time it was not a lone Margaret Dongo but there were over 20 MPs relentlessly debating, questioning, challenging, calling to account and speaking down at ZANU PF. This in itself is a score particularly in such restrictive and limited space. For every unconstitutional bill ZANU PF voted for, they had to work for it, some MPs actually had to be mobilised to attend Parliament so they could succeed in their endeavours. With as much contempt the ruling party has shown to the ordinary person of Zimbabwe in the past 5 years, I shudder to think what this period would have been like without the fierce opposition and pressure they got from MDC. If anything at all, more alternative voices must be increased.

This election, like in 2000, will be fought on the strength of the political parties and not on the individuals running the race. However, minimal performance and delivery by some individuals in the last parliament particularly in constituencies with strong independent candidates is a possibility. I will use my own constituency Harare Central to illustrate my point. In this case, the incumbent MP Hon. Zwizwai must not assume he will be voted back in as voters may be persuaded that having a strong independent candidate like Margaret Dongo may actually be more beneficial for them compared to having an MP whom they know little about, have seen little performance if any; have never read about him in the paper (or the Hansard for that matter) to have said anything in parliament, have never seen their constituency profiled through him at any platform. In the case of Hon. Zwizwai, it’s exacerbated by the fact that he took over from a more visible and vocal MP, Hon. Mike Auret. Hon. Zwizwai won the election with around 3,000 votes in August 2003 about the same figure (less) as votes ZANU PF received in 2000 (3, 600 votes). In 2000 Mike Auret got over 14, 000 votes. Margaret Dongo may actually make it back to Parliament in her own steam and not that of a party.

My point is, this election is not that easily predictable. Any party, any candidate, may get the biggest surprise of their life and thus must do what they need to, to show people they are the best candidate. Due to the context of the country as I have highlighted, I believe those who will vote already know how they will vote. However, I believe a lot of those we witnessed vote in 2000 and 2002 may need to be persuaded to exercise their responsibility to vote.

ZANU PF must refrain from using violence before or after the polls and must stop using delay tactics as it did in 2002 during the presidential elections and Harare local government elections. This disenfranchised Zimbabweans their right to vote. I witnessed in horror women and men being tear gassed and chased like dogs from the voting queues by riot police in Glen Norah. Such obscenities must not be repeated and must not insult the lives of the comrades who died in the liberation struggle so that all Zimbabweans could exercise the right to vote.

* Please send comments to

The government has decided to withdraw the contentious Constitution (Amendment) Bill, which is now before Parliament, Cabinet sources have said. The Cabinet has settled for splitting the omnibus bill, which is already the subject of litigation, into two, the sources said. Amendments that require approval by only Parliament, including the controversial proposal to lift presidential term limits will be in one Bill, while others requiring ratification by district councils under article 260 of the Constitution, will be in another Bill. These include the proposal for a regional tier (federo) for districts that prefer the arrangement.

Human rights activists on the Comoran island of Anjouan have accused the government of riding roughshod over basic civil liberties, which has contributed to growing hostility between the state and the local population. The latest incident occurred in early March, when ongoing public protests over a teachers' strike left two high school students dead, amid allegations of heavy-handed police conduct. In what it claimed were legitimate concerns over national security, authorities on the tiny island imposed an immediate curfew in the capital, Mutsamudu.

The EU and a group of SADC countries have started negotiations to establish a free trade area between the two regions. It is hoped that the agreement will be ready for implementation by January 2008. South Africa, although the richest member of SADC, is excluded from the talks because she already has a free trade accord with the EU, signed in 1999. The EU is also negotiating an economic partnership agreement with the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA).

Namibia's President Hifikepunye Pohamba identified corruption, and economic and rural development as priorities when announcing his cabinet and the creation of a new ministry of safety and security shortly after his inauguration on Monday. Promising to continue the legacy of founding president Sam Nujoma, 69-year-old Pohamba declared a "zero tolerance for waste and corruption" in the public sector.

Burundi's electoral body, the CENI, is preparing an electoral timetable now that President Domitien Ndayizeye has promulgated the country's new constitution and the National Assembly has approved the communal law and electoral code, which are required for the polls due on 22 April. "It [the timetable] needs careful study," Paul Ngarambe, chairman of the National Independent Electoral Commission, or CENI, said at a news conference on Friday in the capital, Bujumbura.

The interim Somali government, based in Nairobi, Kenya, is to relocate to the towns of Baidoa, 240 km southwest of the capital Mogadishu, and Jowhar, 90 km north of the capital, an official told IRIN on Tuesday. "The cabinet has decided that the government will temporarily relocate to Jowhar and Baidoa," Abdirahman Nur Dinari, a government spokesman, said. It would operate simultaneously from the two towns, he added.

The European Union (EU) has fielded one of its largest ever teams of election observers to Ethiopia for the 15 May general polls, the mission chief, Ana Gomes, said. Gomes told reporters on Monday in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, that the forthcoming national elections could play a critical role in fostering democracy in Ethiopia and greater stability in the Horn of Africa. The 159-strong observer mission, which would cost about ?2.8 million (US $3.68 million), had some initial concerns over whether the elections would be free and fair, she added.

Zimbabwean expatriates living in the United Kingdom (UK) and South Africa are an untapped development resource, says a study by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM). The organisation conducted a survey of 1,000 Zimbabwean expatriates in South Africa and the UK last year and found that, apart from economic remittances to Zimbabwe, "nearly three-quarters (73 percent) of respondents wanted to participate in a skills transfer programme and ... 77 percent wanted to contribute to the development of Zimbabwe".

Dear Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem,

I have waited a week to send my comments to you. It has taken that long to calm down in order to respond reasonably? First of all there are two kinds of people in life, one who operates from the prospective of the glass is half full and the other like yourself where the glass is half empty. Your whole commentary has no positive aspect to it whatsoever.   Do you really believe that Africa and Africans in general have no responsibility for the lack of good governance, compassion for the poor or the lack of sanitation, health care and all the social issues that need to be addressed in order for the continent to live up to its true potential   I say thank GOD  for the NGOs that reach out with schools, health clinics etc. in order  to try and start a process of improving the lives of the citizens of Africa.

Your anger, sarcasm and overall negative response leaves me speechles. I say thank you Tony Blair and Bob Geldoff yes two WHITE people who have the ordacity to care about Africa which in my mind after reading your piece at least they are trying to do something unlike yourself just complaining. Would it not be better to change all this negative energy and reach out to the citizens of Africa to commit to each other and create over time a better life for all. Please check out this web sight and see what is possible  www.cindybeads.com  Scroll down to giving back Ethiopia 04, click on to the school, hospital and especially Etagens page. I am VERY proud of the work our community is doing in Yetebon. Maybe instead of just bitching why not put your own group together and build a school with sanitation and possibilities for the children,   after all education is the key to the future   lets hope the children we are educating will help to improve their continent not just complain about everything.

African Voices on Development and Social Justice: Editorials from Pambazuka News 2004
Firoze Manji & Patrick Burnett (eds)

"This is a wide ranging informative compilation of essays which offer the very best advocacy for Africa - by Africans."– Glenys Kinnock MEP

Pambazuka News, the electronic newsletter on social justice in Africa, has published an anthology of editorials that provide a perspective on development and social justice in Africa that rarely finds expression elsewhere. The collection constitutes a valuable record of the views of both African civil society activists and academics on key developments and events in the region during 2004, touching on issues of conflict, development, debt cancellation, women’s rights and the role of the international financial institutions in Africa.

SPECIAL PROMOTION FOR PAMBAZUKA NEWS SUBSCRIBERS

Readers in Africa can obtain a copy of the book from Mkuki na Nyota Publishers (see below) for US$ 15. Subscribers elsewhere can buy the book for UK Pounds 10 (normal price 17.95 pounds) for a limited period – until 30 April – provided you can prove that you are a subscriber to Pambazuka News. You must quote the words “Pambazuka News Subscriber Offer” and include your email address (so we can check whether you are a subscriber) and send your order to [email][email protected]

ISBN 9987417353 304pp. 2005 Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, Tanzania
(Editorials from Pambazuka News series, 1)

Thank you Ndugu Issa. Where in the Blair Commission report do they mention compensation to the Kenyan women raped and brutalised by their "Johnies" and Gurhkahs in the name of Cold War freedom, defense and security. Freedom? All these perorations as these ignored women strive for justice in the shadow of high tech military bases and six star tourist hotels? Africa and the Third World do not need their poisoned chalice of crocodile tears. We have two sayings: those who weep harder than the bereaved and the mouse that bites you then,oh so gently as the old Anglican hymn goes,' soothes your sorrows, heals your wounds and drives away your fears! Yeah man,drives you right into the gulag of dependency by compassion!

Tony Blair talked about the scar on the world's conscience. Wrong again! The wounds of exploitation are still fresh and festering. Instead of 'breaking the chains from our hearts and setting us free' as the 1970s song goes, they're polishing the chains and piling up tons of neo liberal market friendly reports even as school children sit under trees and die of malnutrition thanks to their SAPs. Mothers are dying thanks to their user fee rules. It gets even better, cynical as that may sound. In a recent BBC programme it emerged that one British town had more Malawian doctors than the whole of Malawi. The issue is not compassion, aid, assistance, developement. There have been too many experiments with African lives, too many sheltered dictators,too many donor driven budgets, too many small arms, too many fire brigades translating into too many mice biting. Africans are not victims We are survivors and we are not about to give up. The issue is not compassion: it is LIBERATION and as Mwalimu Nyerere himself said: It can be done.

I speak from the depths of the Temple of Isis, Nzinga,Yaa Asantewa, Me Katilili and Mbuya Nehanda who didnt write books but wrote history. I speak through the spirit in the vocal chords of Miriam Makeba and in the feet of Soundiata Keita, the son of Sogolon who defeated the usurper Soumaoro Kante. Their spirits hover aloft to inspire us not in compassion but in DIGNITY. Hear ye all ye bleeding heart do gooders: It MUST be done. We are our own liberators.

A luta continua!