At least 26 independent members of parliament have joined the ruling United Democratic Front (UDF), making it Malawi's majority party. UDF spokesperson Ken Lipenga told IRIN that 23 independent MPs had joined the UDF on Wednesday, while "at least another three" crossed the floor last Thursday.

The chairman of the African Union (AU) has called on the international community to "trust" Africa's leaders to solve the continent's many crises. In an upbeat message, Alpha Oumar Konare said that despite enormous problems, Africa's future was not all doom and gloom. "The situation of our continent is not in itself a fatality," Konare told African foreign ministers meeting in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, ahead of a three-day AU summit intended to get African leaders to fulfil pledges made towards resolving the many problems facing the world’s poorest continent.

The Ugandan government said last Thursday that it would relax restrictions on political party activity and hold a referendum next February to decide whether the country should revert back to full multiparty politics. As part of the "road map", local, presidential and parliamentary elections were being planned for between February to March 2006, Justice Minister Janat Mukwaya said.

Cote d'Ivoire's opposition leaders, disappointed by President Laurent Gbagbo's decision not to reinstate three of their ministers, held talks on Friday with Gabon leader Omar Bongo, who is trying to help the feuding Ivorian sides out of their political impasse. Bongo, one of Africa's longest-serving presidents, is trying to pave the way for a regional summit to resolve the 22-month crisis in Cote d'Ivoire, which has been split into a rebel-held north and a government-controlled south since civil war broke out in September 2002.

Comment and Analysis: A history of the DRC in one line: Leopold, resources, coups, impunity
Pan-African Postcard: Removing the need for refugee camps
Conflicts and Emergencies: News from Sudan
Human Rights: ICC’s first-ever probe in DRC must be effective
The Rights of Women: News and Views: Campaign for the Protocol on the Rights of Women gathers steam
Women and Gender: Mock tribunals advance justice
Elections and Governance: Campaign for a democratic Angola launched in Ugie
Corruption: How deep is corruption in Africa?
Health: The criminalisation of poverty in Zimbabwe
HIV/AIDS: Facing the future together in Southern Africa
Environment: Shell directors promise to visit fenceline communities

African delegates are gathered in Ethiopia behind closed doors thrashing out various reports ahead of the African Union Summit that is scheduled for 30 June to 8 July. They are busy adding final details to reports including one on the Pan African Parliament (PAP) budget as well as experts' report on the relations between the AU Commission and regional economic communities. On the summit sidelines, women activists and lobby groups are finalising their action plan to chart the way for their involvement in AU structures especially in conflict resolution and management, poverty, HIV and AIDS as well as women rights programmes.

In 1998 what became known as Africa’s World War erupted in the Great Lakes Region, with the DRC acting as the battlefield for a host of African countries. What followed was four years of extraordinary violence and a death toll that some put in the millions. Since 2002 a peace of sorts has prevailed, but the fall of Bukavu in Eastern DRC in late May seemed to put this on shaky ground. Pambazuka News emailed questions to Joseph Yav Katshung, Executive Director of CERDH (Centre d`Etudes et de Recherche en Droits de l`Homme et Démocratie), to find out more about the situation in the DRC.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What is the aftermath of the failed coup attempt in Kinshasa and the crisis in the east of the country? What did actually happen and is a clearer picture beginning to emerge as to the circumstances of events and the forces at play?

JYK: As may be recalled, the coup attempt took place in early June 2004. This however must be seen within a greater context. Before this, in late May, the city of Bukavu (East of DRC) fell to rebels, who are RCD dissidents, Laurent Kunda and Mutebusi who are said to be supported by the Rwandan government. A few days later, they withdrew back into Rwanda taking with them property looted from the city. It is reported that the rebels committed extensive human rights violations, notably rape, torture and killings of innocent civilians.

The following week, Eric Lenge, a Major serving within the special presidential guard (Garde Speciale de la Sécurité Présidentielle), appeared, at 2.30 that morning, on national television accompanied by about 20 soldiers and announced that the transition process was suspended forthwith. He also asked civilians to stay in their homes for their own safety.

They later went to the Tchatchi military camp where they were surrounded by security forces. About 8 of Lenge's men were arrested. The rest, including him, managed to escape arrest. Rumours had followed that Joseph Kabila, the transitional government President had been killed. Soon thereafter, Kabila appeared on national television as an attestation that he was alive and that the transitional mechanism was still in place. The security forces were tracking down Lenge and his men.

Azzarias Ruberwa, one of the four Vice Presidents, who is considered to have links to Rwanda, was suspected to have been behind the coup attempt. This has however not been confirmed. In all, the coup attempt has had a negative impact within the fragile transitional mechanisms. The little trust that was building within and among the government functionaries who belong to former warring parties has plummeted. The army has also seen far reaching changes within its high ranks.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What impact will these recent events have on the transitional process and the build up to elections next year?

JYK: Despite the hope it has inspired in the DRC and elsewhere, the current institutional framework, which is supposed to prepare the country for the promised free and open elections to be held by summer 2005 at the latest, remains very fragile. It is not easy to say with exactitude what will be the actual effect of these events. But one thing is for sure; the trust between the various elements in government has thinned.

In terms of the peace process, there should be mechanisms, including building of trust and an environment in which democratic elections can be held. It appears that there are certain elements who are keen to stall the process.
Cumulatively, the various incidents in the country such as the coup attempt, though isolated, may have the effect of undermining the process. Clearly, elections cannot be held under the current situation.

One reason that may be informing the current reticence is that if elections are held, it is unlikely that it will provide for a dispensation that ensures that the leaders of the various factions have a high office. For instance, there cannot be four Vice Presidents. What then will happen, will those who lose out stay in government? It is possible that the fear of losing such lucrative positions in the transitional government is behind efforts to slow or stall the march towards democratic elections.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Much has been written about the tensions between the DRC and Rwanda? Have the reasons for these tensions been dealt with and how much of a factor do Rwanda - and Uganda for that matter - remain in the DRC, especially in the east of the country?

JYK: It is evident that Rwanda is largely behind the instability in Eastern DRC. A number of reasons inform the stance taken by Rwanda to support rebellion in this region: Initially, after the genocide, Rwanda justified their invasion by saying that they were pursuing genocidaires from the Habyarimana government who were said to have sought refuge in the DRC.
Afterwards, their continued stay, incursions and support of rebels is justifiable by a different, yet subtle set of reasons.

First, The RPF government has conceived of its role in the region as that of a leader. Rwanda aspires to be a regional powerbroker and leader. These hegemonic aspirations necessarily presuppose a belligerent stance against its neighbours.

Secondly, and most importantly, is the question of territory. As a small country, Rwanda sees a major problem if the Banyamulenge who live in eastern DRC have to go back to Rwanda. It is therefore a question of territory. Before the genocide, Rwanda was, and still is, one of the most densely populated countries on the continent. Owing to displacements in the genocide, land is a major issue in Rwanda.

Thirdly, it is for economic reasons. Rwanda is involved in the plunder of resources in the DRC: diamonds, coltan, gold and timber. This was partially the reason why, having come into the DRC with Uganda as allies, they later fell out and engaged in armed combat in Kisangani. Rwandan citizens are said to control vast economic interests in eastern Congo. Rwanda considers that it has an obligation to protect its citizens in the DRC.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: We read a lot in the press about the role and hard work of South Africa in brokering a peace deal in the DRC. But there has also been criticism from some quarters that the South Africans have papered over some issues, with the danger that the peace deal will not last. How do people in the DRC see South Africa's role and where have the South Africans gone wrong?

JYK: It is true that South Africa has been instrumental in putting in place the transitional government. Initially, people were very enthusiastic about its role in the DRC as the main engine driving the process.

Things have however changed. Firstly, there is a general feeling that it is not Congolese, or Rwandans who won the war (if the armed conflict can be considered as such), but South Africa. This is largely in economic terms. South African companies have since invested heavily in the DRC and are behind most explorations and other economic activities. Some even think that this could have been the driving force behind South Africa's fervent involvement in the process.

Secondly, South Africa, which should be concerned about the process they helped put in place, has not taken a stand on the incursions by Rwanda, and Rwanda's continued plunder of resources in the DRC and the commission of human rights violations against Congolese citizens. Congolese currently do not understand the role of South Africa anymore. South Africa seems to be eating from both tables: it gives the impression to Kinshasa that it is committed to the process yet maintaining a cozy relationship with Rwanda. They have failed to condemn the activities of Rwanda in eastern DRC.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What is the human rights situation like in the DRC at present?

JYK: There has been little change in the human rights situation in DRC even after the transition process started. There are still massive violations of human rights: killings, rape, torture. This is particularly prevalent in eastern DRC. In Kinshasa, the unrest resulting from the attempted coup also brought with it violations, involving government security forces and members of various former rebel groups. The socio-economic aspects of life have equally not ameliorated. Salaries have gone unpaid, the health and education sectors are in bad shape.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: To what extent does the DRC still suffer from the legacy of history in terms of slavery, colonialism and the Cold War and to what extent are the DRC's richness in natural resources a contributing factor to the present day situation of the country?

JYK: DRC's fate is linked to the Leopoldian legacy and imperialism of former colonial masters. The DRC is a victim of its own abundance; looters have, over the years come and gone, having enriched themselves. Leopold, who considered DRC his personal property, then Belgians who plundered and left the country in a situation in which it could not govern itself.

This opened the door for looters who have plied the country at their will. The effects of the Cold War are still reverberating. The American support of Mobutu entrenched a despotic leadership that has seen the deterioration of the country, so rich yet so poor and at war with itself. Kabila, though initially with good intentions to remove Mobutu, soon fell into the same grave of plunder and misrule, especially after those who supported him to remove Mobutu. Uganda and Rwanda staked their claim to the riches of the DRC. This led to the war between Kabila and rebels supported by the two. Then they came in themselves. Cornered, Kabila sought help from Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia. The visitors on their part started to plunder to finance the war initiative. Then come South Africa.

It appears that all who come to the DRC, ostensibly to help her from its troubles, have their own reasons for doing so, the riches! Those who come to mourn and to condone with the DRC are, in the process eying, through their 'tears' what to take home with them!

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: How to end impunity in the DRC?

JYK: That is a question. The raging war that began in 1998 caused hundreds of thousands of deaths among the civilian population and led to scenes of extraordinary violence. The International Criminal Court has announced that it will formally take up the Congolese case, but it will be unable to prosecute more than a few of the key figures responsible for the crimes committed. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, one of the civilian institutions that emerged from the peace talks, is a different kind of instrument that focuses on forgiveness rather than punishment. We are therefore looking for a mechanism to address this issue.

* Please send comments to [email protected]

The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Burundi has stepped up efforts to improve conditions for Congolese refugees who have fled the eastern South Kivu Province following recent fighting there, the agency reported on Tuesday. The agency said it had received its largest group of Congolese refugees in recent days, bringing to 34,000 the number of those who had fled the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) since 9 June.

The World Bank said Tuesday that Guinea has convicted three people involved in corrupt activities related to bank projects. The international agency said the convictions come after Guinea's justice minister followed up on an investigation by the World Bank on suspect activities by contractors to the project which was reported to the government last October. The three Guineans who were convicted were involved in a $19 million project, which has been suspended.

African adults in seven countries are divided over the incidence of unlawful practices, according to a poll by GlobeScan released by the Program on International Policy Attitudes. 56 per cent of respondents say there is less corruption in their respective countries than a year ago, while 38 per cent disagree. Residents of Kenya illustrated the highest degree of confidence in fairness with 84 per cent. Conversely, only 15 per cent of respondents in Zimbabwe agreed with the statement.

Zimbabwean business mogul Mutumwa Mawere is a free man after a South African magistrate dismissed an application by Zimbabwean police for more time to investigate corruption allegations against him while he was on bail, facing possible extradition. Zimbabwean police went before a Randsburg magistrate on Wednesday to request more time and to have Mawere's extradition hearing postponed.

"Corruption today is not only a vice but is gradually becoming a way of life in every sector of our society. From political circles to business board rooms to educational institutions to the health and judicial sectors. This vice is literally dismembering the African continent." This is one of the comments in a debate on the website of the BBC which asks: How far does the culture of corruption go in Africa? Is it only perpetuated by big business, government officials or does it start with you? Read the comments by clicking on the URL provided.

A few years ago, Cameroon was named by Transparency International as the most corrupt country in the world. Things do not seem to have improved much. This article talks to ordinary Cameroonians in all sectors of society about how their lives are blighted by corruption. Most of them wanted to remain anonymous.

There has been a mixed reaction to the announcement by Kenya's leader that this week's deadline for having a new constitution would be missed. One MP in the ruling coalition said that Kenya could be headed for chaos. Other MPs praised President Mwai Kibaki's call for consensus. Both camps plan rallies at the weekend. Mr Kibaki had promised to introduce a new constitution within 100 days of coming to power in December 2002 but the deadline then slipped to 30 June.

Uganda's leader has angrily condemned a court ruling, which nullified a 2000 referendum, in which a return to multi-party politics was rejected. The constitutional court decision was "totally unacceptable" Yoweri Museveni said in a live television broadcast. Under Uganda's Movement system, parties are allowed to exist, but they are not allowed to contest elections.

Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki has announced a new cabinet line-up, including several leading opposition politicians. Mr Kibaki made the announcement in a previously unscheduled TV address. The new cabinet includes two prominent members of the main opposition Kanu party and the leader of the smaller Ford-People party.

Mutiny, rebellion or a new occupation by foreign forces of eastern Congo? This is the question that analysts of the Great Lakes region continuously ask themselves.

On 26 May 2004, the city of Bukavu did not sleep, but awoke to gunshots. Over the following two weeks the city and surrounding areas became the theatre of very violent fighting between regular armed forces and forces of the dissidents of the 10th military region commanded by Colonel Jules Mutebusi. Mutebusi was suspended in April by the Congolese military hierarchy and supported by 3-4 battalions led by another former officer of the Congolese Rally for Democracy (Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie - RCD), General Lauraent Nkunda.

These events, which killed about one hundred people and wounded many others, and led to the fall of Bukavu into rebel hands on 2 June, were reminiscent of the Kabila epic of October 1996, and that of the RCD in August 1998. This story resembles past events, but does it repeat them?

It resembles them because of the similarity of the context: several Congolese dissidents, the military and logistical support of Rwanda, followed by the rapid capture of Congolese cities without resistance and Rwanda denying its involvement.

The events in Bukavu and its surrounding areas were accompanied by a series of grave human rights abuses and war crimes. Besides the killings, there was systematic rape of women, children, even babies. The organisation Human Rights Watch documented dozens of cases of rape, including four three-year old girls. The question that many people forget to ask themselves is why is history repeating itself? Why has the Congo seemingly not learnt its lessons from past events?

It was 2 August 1998 when an armed group called the RCD, supported by Rwanda, took the city of Bukavu. It started with the execution of dozens of military people loyal to Kinshasa at the Kavumu aerodrome and the group then continued quickly on to Goma, then Kisangani, then Kindu, etc while other columns attacked the Inga roadblock and occupied the Kitona military base, in Bas-Congo province. They created their headquarters in Goma.

The government of Laurent Kabila, which had not yet succeeded in setting up an army during its 13-month reign, was on the verge of falling and called upon Angola, then Namibia, Chad and Zimbabwe.

In the following months, Jean Pierre Bemba declared another rebellion in the North - the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (le Mouvement pour la libération du Congo - MLC) - with the support of Uganda.

Internal difficulties led the RCD president Ernest Wamba dia Wamba and the former president of the RCD 'assembly' Mbusa Nyamwisi to create the RCD-Kisangani (which later became the RCD-ML), based in Kisangani, also with Ugandan support.

The methods of the belligerents were simple: killings, destruction, torture and rape.

It was over the next four years that probably the most devastating war for humanity would continue. It involved the governmental forces supported by Zimbabwe, Namibia, Angola and Chad; the RCD supported by Rwanda and Burundi; and the RCD-ML and the MLC supported by Uganda.

This long war, which some analysts called the "African World War" caused more than three million deaths and more than two million refugees and internally displaced people. Systematic massacres were committed in villages such as Mkaobola, Kasika, Burhinyi, Shabunda and Kisangani. In some places, these massacres bordered on genocide. In Kasika, for example, RCD troops supported by Rwanda decimated approximately 1500 civilians, that is almost 10% of the members of the Banyindu ethnic group, at 18,000 people, one of the smallest of the 300 ethnic groups in Congo. The RCD's efforts eliminated customary chiefs, religious leaders, human rights activists, etc. The people responsible for some of these crimes are known and their abuses documented, but they have never been punished.

The MLC committed massive human rights violations and crimes against humanity, including cannibalism against the Mbuti (pygmy) groups in the Mambasa district of Eastern Province. The RCD-ML, the armed resistance Mai-Mai (or Mayi-Mayi) as well as other armed groups also all committed several human rights abuses, such as rape, killings, pillage, etc.

In addition to these violations, the belligerents engaged in economic exploitation of Congo's riches: wood and minerals. The fauna was also systematically destroyed. Forced labour was used to the profit of armed groups.

On 22 July 2002 in Pretoria, the parties to the conflict signed peace accords, which paved the way for the end of this devastating war. The agreement allowed for power sharing amongst the different factions, offering positions of responsibility in the new transitional institutions, curiously in relation to the level of involvement in crimes, implying that crimes can pay. When the transitional institutions were put in place in Kinshasa, the RCD, MLC, RCD-ML, Mayi-Mayi, non-armed political opposition and civil society shared power. Besides the civil society and the non-armed political opposition, one could talk of power sharing amongst criminals.

However, a group of largely Rwandophone officers in eastern Congo, as well as certain nominated parliamentarians and senators refused to join the transitional institutions in Kinshasa, despite the efforts of the new government. They established themselves in the city of Goma, capital of the province of North Kivu bordering Rwanda, where the governor, Eugene Serufuli had already allegedly set up a militia under the cover of the organisation called "All for Peace and Development" (Tous pour la paix et le dévéloppement - TPD). Neither the RCD nor the government seemed to have full control over the governor of Goma or the group of officers in question. These officers had something in common: blood on their hands and impunity.

The events of May and June 2004 benefited from disorder: an army not yet unified and consequently no unified command of the eastern region; the absence of a legitimate territorial administration; massive human rights violations; and generalised insecurity in the eastern part of the country.

These officers seemed to have profited from the situation to organise themselves. Significant stores of arms were found in the possession of the officers and security agents close to the RCD in February 2004. The next month, Colonel Mutebusi, then second commander of the 10th military region (South Kivu), led a mutiny against the head commander, General Prosper Nyabiolwa, for having arrested and transferred to Kinshasa Major Kasongo for indiscipline. The General escaped and fled to Kinshasa, while three of his bodyguards were killed, allegedly by Mutebusi's men.

The RCD, which has always been supposed to administer this part of Congo while awaiting the establishment of a new territorial administration, came to the defence of the mutineers and threatened to leave the transitional government if Major Kasongo was not freed, thus forcing the government's hand. Investigation of the arms cache was never pursued. Mutebusi was suspended but never punished. Impunity!

Following this, Mutebsi started another mutiny on 26 May 2004. He attacked the positions of the regular army and the situation degenerated until the intervention of the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission (MONUC). The city of Bukavu was divided in two (Mutebusi controlled the part bordering Rwanda and the regular army controlled the rest of the city) for a week.

But, from Goma, General Laurent Nkunda headed towards Bukavu with his 2 000 men to reinforce Mutebsi. He is believed to have been supported by troops from the Rwandan army. He raised the spectre of genocide against the Banyamulenge in Bukavu, a thesis which he later rejected when retreating. This argument was also rejected by MONUC, human rights organisations based in the region, the Banyamulenge organisation "Shikama", Commander Masunzu - a Munyamulenge leading an armed group in the high plains of Itombwe.

There were, however, serious human rights violations committed on all sides. Civilians were killed and rape appeared to be systematically used by the mutineers as a weapon of war. In the IDAP, Muhungu, Ndendere and Bugabo areas, door-to-door rape was practiced, leading some to believe it was a punitive action by the mutineers.

When, on 2 June, Laurent Nkunda took the city, two new groups appeared, who allied themselves with the two opposing parties. Mr Odilon Kurhengamuzinmu, commander of the militia called Mudundu 40 (M40), which during the last three years had changed alliance between Kinshasa and Rwanda on several occasions, this time associated himself with Mutebusi. A dissident faction of M40 led by Foka Mike allied itself with the regular army.

Under the occupation of the mutineers from 2 to 8 June 2004, the city of Bukavu was the scene of flagrant human rights violations. In addition to approximately 100 dead, the local organisation "Justice for all" (Justice pour tous) has compiled a non-exhaustive list of 617 women and girls raped, 18 stores pillaged, 254 people wounded by bullets, 60 vehicles stolen, 12 depots of manufactured goods and food stores pillaged and the Cooperative of business people (Coopérative d'hommes d'affaires - COOPERA) burnt. The central bank and commercial bank were looted of all their reserves by the mutineers.

Rwanda's involvement in support of the mutineers in terms of soldiers and arms has been reported by the local organisation "Heirs of justice" (Heritiers de la justice), the Congolese transition support committee (Comite d'accompagnement de la transition congolaise - CIAT), largely composed of representatives of the G8 countries, and a coalition of Belgian NGOs.

The Rwandan government denies its involvement, reminiscent of its denials in 1996 and 1998 that Rwanda was not in Congo, even while its troops fought beside Kabila's Alliance of democratic forces (Alliances des forces democratiques - AFDL) and the RCD, respectively.

Following diplomatic pressure, Rwanda, which had hosted some 3000 refugees in May and June, closed its border with Congo. Bukavu was retaken by the regular army on 9 June 2004, leaving Mutebusi and his ally M40 to occupy the town of Kamanyola and a part of Luvungi and Bwegere, close to the Rwandan border in the Ruzizi plains, some 60 kilometres south of Bukavu.

Fighting continues in various parts of the South Kivu region, boding ill for a possible stagnation or breakdown of the fragile peace process in the country.

The impunity of those responsible for crimes committed in eastern Congo over the past 6 years seem to be the determining factor in the continuation of abuses against civilian populations. Those who have never heard of war crimes include troops under the command of the infamous: Major Bora Uzima in South Kivu; Gabrial Amisi, alias "Tango Fort" (currently in the regular army) in Uvira, Kasika and Fizi; Laurent Nkaudna who was behind the massacres in Kisangani; Jules Mutebusi who was responsible for the bombing of the Banyamulenge; Thierry Ilunga (currently in the regular army) in Mwenga, etc.

These officers are currently either peacefully reintegrated into the regular army (Amisi and Ilunga) or are currently in leadership positions in eastern Congo and implicated in the current war in South Kivu. None of them have ever been sanctioned or punished for their responsibility in these crimes.

The system in place in Congo, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, established on the South African model, seems to pave the way for the continuation of impunity.

The option to cover up and leave unpunished war crimes and crimes against humanity such as the systematic rape of three-year-old girls; the indiscriminate bombing of civilian Banyamulenge populations by Rwandan helicopters; the massacre of civilians in Kisangani, Kasika, Makobola, Burhinyi, etc; the cannibalism against Pygmy communities in the Eastern Province: Is this the way forward for the Congolese state to re-establish itself?

In my opinion, this will only sow the seeds of an even more catastrophic socio-political situation in eastern Congo.

* Innocent Bulemba works for Amnesty International. This article was written in his personal capacity.

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>>>>> For the full French version of this article, please click on the link below.

Mutinerie, rébellion ou une nouvelle occupation par des forces étrangères de la partie orientale du Congo, voilà la question que ne cessent de se poser actuellement les analystes sur la région des grands lacs. Le 26 mai passé, la ville de Bukavu ne dort pas mais se réveille sous des coups de balles et que les deux semaines suivantes la ville et ses environs devient le théâtre des combats très violents qui ont opposé les forces de l'armée régulière et celles des dissidents de la 10ème région militaire commandées par le colonel Jules Mutebusi, suspendu au mois d'avril dernier par la hiérarchie militaire congolaise, appuyées espar quelques trois ou quatre bataillons commandés par un autre ancien officier du RCD, le général Laurent Nkunda. Ces événements qui ont fait une centaine de personnes civiles tuées et plusieurs blessés, et qui ont conduit à la chute de Bukavu aux mains mutins, le 2 juin, rappellent l'épopée Kabila en octobre 1996, et celle du RCD en août 1998. Cette histoire se ressemble, mais ne répète t-elle pas?

I am writing on behalf of the CERDH (Centre d`Etudes et de Recherche en Droits de l`Homme et Démocratie) a Congolese organization in charge of promotion and protection of Human Rights and Democracy based in Lubumbashi, DRC, because we are concerned about the treatment of women in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where conflict has been raging for more than five years. Many women continue to be discriminated against and thousands of them have been raped and killed with complete impunity.

To address this situation, we seized this occasion to write to you regarding the ratification of the Protocol on the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa and urge your Excellencies to ensure the fast tracking of its ratification by the Congolese government.

The head of the National Election Board (NEB) on 24 June urged government and opposition parties in Ethiopia to ensure "free and fair" elections next year. Asefa Biru, the NEB executive secretary, told IRIN that his organisation "will insist government closely cooperate with the election board to take measures when any official or overzealous cadre interferes". The polls are expected to be held in May 2005, but both the government and the opposition are already gearing up to contest.

This report from the African Human Security Initiative reviews the progress of democratisation in Algeria, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa and Uganda from the end of the Cold War until today. These eight countries were chosen because they have all signed up to the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM); they are central contributors to the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD); and they represent a good geographical spread on the African continent.