The Egyptian Organization for Human Rights (EOHR), Reporters Without Borders (Reporters sans frontières, RSF) and the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) have voiced alarm at attacks by Egyptian authorities on journalists covering the parliamentary elections. Since the first round of voting in the three-round election began on 8 November 2005, more than 50 journalists have been assaulted, detained or prevented from covering the polls. CPJ says the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) and security forces have ordered supporters to beat and harass voters and journalists. Harassment has increased as members of the banned Muslim Brotherhood movement, who run as independent candidates, have gained seats.

Deng Kual, 4, is the latest person to die as the peaceful protest against the UNHCR enters its third month. The number of protesters has more than doubled since the group decided to stage their demonstration on September 30 near the regional office of UNHCR. The group insists that UNHCR assist in their relocation, saying they can no longer endure the discrimination, inopportunity and abuse they experience in Egypt. However, with the death of Kual and two others before him, the group is now coming under fire, even by activists who are dedicated to defending their rights.

The Muslim Brotherhood has done better than anyone expected in the Egyptian elections. It has around six times as many seats as it did in the last parliament. Real democracy is still something to dream about for Egyptians who want reform. Turnout was very low. Years of autocracy crushed political life in Egypt and left the people cynical about voting. But from the evidence of these election results, if Egypt has a democratic future, it is Islamist. Officially, the Muslim Brotherhood is a banned organisation. In real life it is tolerated and its candidates stand for parliament as independents.

Amnesty International is calling on the Egyptian government to launch an urgent, independent investigation into police shootings outside polling stations on 7 December which left at least eight people dead and tens more injured. The organization said the investigation should focus on the circumstances in which police used lethal fire and ensure that any officers or other officials responsible for using or ordering excessive force should be brought to justice.

Security forces in Egypt have clashed with crowds of supporters of the banned opposition Muslim Brotherhood in the last stage of parliamentary elections. In some areas, police used tear gas and rubber bullets against people trying to enter cordoned-off polling stations. The Brotherhood, whose candidates stand as independents, has already made large gains, winning nearly 20% of seats. Islamists claim police tactics are designed to limit their gains and help the ruling National Democratic Party.

This paper from the Economic Research Forum (ERF), Egypt includes causal evidence that lower crude rates of school attendance for Egyptian children are not due to limited access to schools but rather to a substantial burden of work. Although some activists argue that all child labour should be abolished, the authors prefer a more nuanced approach which does not assume that all work - whether it is paid or unpaid, labour force or domestic - is good or bad for children and youth. While some work activities of children are unquestionably detrimental to their physical and/or mental well-being, most tasks undertaken by Egyptian 6-14 year olds do not fall clearly in these categories.

Three television crews were prevented from covering the third round of voting in Egypt’s parliamentary elections that took place in nine provinces on 1 December. Police stopped an Al-Hurra crew from shooting the surroundings of a polling station in El-Mansoura (120 km north of Cairo) which received a lot of coverage in the first two rounds. An Al Jazeera crew was prevented from filming in Bandar-Kafr-El-Sheikh, north of the capital. Plain-clothes agents confiscated their camera, destroyed their video-cassette and threatened to break the camera if they tried to film again or take photos. Security agents briefly detained a three-member CNBC Arabiya crew that tried to cover the elections in El-Zaqaziq (83 km east of Cairo).

The Muslim Brotherhood obtained a record 76 seats in the second round of legislative elections held on November 27, despite arrests, intimidation and violence. Just like in the first round, the vote saw the advance of independent candidates connected with the Muslim Brotherhood group, which is banned from taking part in the elections. It, however, organised a campaign with the slogan: Islam is the solution.

The Cairo office of the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, closed indefinitely on Sunday, bringing its operations relating to asylum applicants to a halt following a mass sit-in by Sudanese asylum seekers and refugees. Some 3,000 Sudanese, who have now been camped a mere 200 metres away from UNHCR premises for two months, also declared a hunger strike.

Close to 200 supporters of the opposition Muslim Brotherhood were arrested before the start of the second phase of polling in Egypt's parliamentary elections opened on Sunday (November 20), security sources said. According to the Mail and Guardian, around 100 supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood were detained in the Fayyum governorate about 100km south of Cairo, the sources said.

Female candidates in Egypt's upcoming legislative elections should be given as much say in their country's political affairs - and as much coverage in the media - as their male counterparts, women parliamentary hopefuls said on Monday, November 14. Speaking at a conference held by the Arab Alliance for Women (AAW), a local NGO, women candidates from a range of backgrounds stressed the need for more female representation in national politics and for a greater recognition of the role of women in society as a whole. “Despite clear differences in their ideologies, all the candidates are united in their struggle to voice women’s concerns,” Heber Radwan, AAW chairwoman, said at the conference. “This election is the first step towards the true integration of women into Egyptian politics.”

Source: Agenda News

About 750 Sudanese exiles went on hunger strike outside U.N. offices in Cairo on Saturday to back demands to receive assistance, rather than be repatriated. They said five people, including three children, had died in the camp and that many suffered from malnutrition and disease.The UNHCR said in a statement that Sudanese in Egypt were generally not fleeing persecution or violence, but were economic migrants hoping for resettlement in the West.

Voters in Egypt have taken part in the first round of a parliamentary election seen as a test of the government's commitment to reform. President Mubarak's National Democratic Party is expected to win another substantial majority. He has promised the vote will be free and fair. But the leader of the opposition Muslim Brotherhood, Mohammed Mehdi Akef, accused the NDP of widespread fraud.

United States trade representative Rob Portman designated a new Qualifying Industrial Zone (QIZ) in Egypt and approved the expansion of two existing zones on October 31. QIZs, which Congress first designated in 1996 between Jordan and Israel and Egypt and Israel, give the two Arab nations the right to export products to the United States duty-free if the products contain inputs from Israel. Following the announcement, Israel and Egypt will create a new zone -the Central Delta QIZ - and expand the existing Greater Cairo QIZ and Suez Canal Zone QIZ. Portman’s announcement builds on the United States’ December 2004 designation of three zones in Egypt following an agreement between Egypt and Israel to cooperate in the establishment of the zones.

"The International Secretariat of the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) is gravely concerned by the situation of 1500 Sudanese refugees who, since 29th September 2005, have been living in front of the UNHCR offices in Cairo, protesting the fact that their request for resettlement was frozen following the signing of the recent peace accord between the Sudanese government and the South People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). According to the information received, the police have repeatedly arrested and confiscated their identity papers given to them by the UNHCR, and they have also been subjected to violence. Furthermore, the refugees have been stigmatised by the press."

Amnesty International is calling on the Egyptian government and candidates contesting Egypt's forthcoming parliamentary elections to put human rights at the centre of their agenda and to commit to promote long-needed reform once in office. The organisation said this was vital for tackling long-standing human rights violations. Despite some limited recent improvements in human rights, the coming elections, due to commence on 9 November, will be held against a background of continuing, widespread violations, including systematic use torture, deaths in custody, impunity for human rights perpetrators, and restrictions on freedom of expression and association. These human rights violations persist despite repeated calls for government action to address them made by UN human rights bodies and both national and international human rights organizations.

Last week Pambuzuka News carried the story, Sudanese Refugees In Cairo: We'll Wait Here, We’ll Die Here’ (http://www.pambazuka.org/index.php?id=29957), describing a sit-in demonstration near the Cairo office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). The refugees continue to reiterate their demands, and their numbers show no sign of decreasing. In fact, the sit-in has now been joined by a few Ethiopian refugees.

This week, we promised to include our interview with UNHCR’s Senior External Relations Officer, Leila Nassif, about the demonstration. Ms. Nassif was formerly a Protection Officer and has been with UNHCR for more than ten years with posts in Saudi Arabia, elsewhere in the Middle East, Timor, Rwanda and Sudan. She has been in Cairo for 16 months. She was cooperative in answering questions, but had concerns of bias in an article being published in two parts and not including UNHCR’s point of view first. Although she had not visited the sit-in, she speculated that many demonstrators may not even be refugees. Since no demonstrators have identified themselves to UNHCR, they cannot confirm that any is a refugee known to their office

Question: What is UNHCR’s policy of providing assistance to families and how many children are required in order to receive aid? Refugees have told us families of fewer than six are not considered.

Answer: UNHCR’s priority is to assist the most vulnerable among both refugees and asylum seekers (single heads of households—male and female, unaccompanied minors, the elderly, torture victims and the ill/sick). We assist over 7000 people through our partners and help over 5000 children to attend school. CARITAS provides medical treatment to approximately 150 persons daily. We want to help as many as possible in the best way possible. Our guidelines to assist recognized refugees are based on worldwide HCR guidelines for refugee assistance in urban areas

Question: Refugees accuse UNHCR of neglecting unaccompanied minors, the elderly, and handicapped. Do you feel this is justified?

Answer: This is a general question and allegation. If there is a particular neglected case, UNHCR has a stated method to address or appeal this situation and UNHCR's doors are always open to such recourse. We help the most vulnerable first. The rumors circulating about abuses may not even refer to refugees per se but other Sudanese living in Egypt.

Question: A number of the refugees say they reject “compulsory voluntary repatriation.” Could you comment on their obvious fears of involuntary repatriation?

Answer: This is a contradiction in terms. Voluntary means voluntary and we do not force any person to return against his or her will. Every refugee repatriating with UNHCR's help is requested to complete a voluntary return form and to sign it voluntarily in the presence of a UNHCR officer. Most refugees are from the South and the situation there appears to be changing. Repatriation is not compulsory, but earlier this year we began a dialogue and dissemination of information. Many are unhappy because of the implications of return for their expectations. UNHCR and others have increased their presence and programs in the South. Statistics indicate 750,000 have already returned between 2004 and July of this year with an estimated 1 million to return in 2006, mostly IDPs and others from Central African Republic, Ethiopia and the DRC. The process is voluntary and if a person has any fear he/ she is not forced to return. UNHCR is facilitating persons who wish to return with small funds and travel allowances as far as Khartoum.

Question: To what extent do you feel their fears are justified that the Four Freedoms legislation will undermine their status as refugees?

Answer: In my personal opinion, their fears have no basis whatsoever. Egypt and Sudan have a long history of open borders, and the Four Freedoms will help enhance the status of all Sudanese in Egypt.

Question: We realize that UNHCR has a real crisis in terms of funds to disperse for urban refugee subsistence in general. Do you think this demonstration will help UNHCR to convince donors of the need to provide more funds especially for new arrivals in Egypt?

Answer: UNHCR always needs/relies on donor funding and countries are tremendously generous. But in my personal opinion, this [Cairo] is not the biggest need. There is greater urgency elsewhere. Egypt has tried very hard to fulfill its role, but this may not be appreciated because of its lack of resources. Refugees have the same complaints as less fortunate Egyptians in many cases. With regards to funding for new arrivals in Egypt the answer is “no” because UNHCR does not recognize the demonstrators as refugees.

Question: We would also like to know if the demise of resettlement for the Sudanese is a result of a decision taken by the governments who have been resettling them (US, Australia, Canada, Finland), or a policy decision taken by UNHCR Geneva or Cairo?

Answer: There is no UNHCR policy decision. It is just a statement of fact that the number of people seeking resettlement will naturally diminish. We will continue to submit cases for resettlement as appropriate. I am not in a position to comment on immigration policies of governments.

Question: We are amazed Egyptian security officials and police have permitted the demonstration to go on. Has UNHCR interceded on their behalf?

Answer: They have shown remarkable restraint and should be commended. They have had no prompting from UNHCR.

Question: To your knowledge, outside of Central America, has there ever been such a well-organized demonstration for their rights by refugees?

Answer: I do not feel that it is appropriate for me to comment on this because I simply am not sure. I believe the organizers are to be commended for keeping peace.

Question: If there is anything else you consider pertinent, please comment. :

Answer: Leaving aside Darfur, the situation in the South is changing, going back to normal with control, order and rehabilitation. This will have implications for refugees and asylum seekers everywhere since reasons for flight may have ceased and there are international pledges to rebuild ($4.5 billion). In my personal opinion, the demonstration may reflect the changing situation. The decision to stop individual status determination interviews for the Sudanese was done to protect a larger number of Sudanese. It permits a larger number of yellow cards to be issued with the protections associated with yellow cards. We still do not have large numbers coming from Darfur.

There are 22 million refugees and others of concern around the world and resettlement cannot be a solution except for the few since the resettlement quota is a few thousand per year. Further the economic situation in countries hosting refugees often excludes the possibility of local integration on a large scale. This leaves voluntary repatriation as the main solution. UNHCR seeks resettlement as appropriate, but repatriation is most preferred. UN reports are circulated on a regular basis and information is continually updated. I personally observed tremendous hope for sustained peace and aspirations to rebuild from general population, government officials and returnees. Roads have reopened, an airport made functional, and schools and other services have begun again.

I believe the Sudanese in Egypt have an important role to play—none of it is easy, but it can be done. The number seeking resettlement will naturally diminish as fewer and fewer people will meet the requirements. It is only normal to express fears and anxieties, but it is also important to acknowledge the contribution they can make. Of course there will be distrust, but that doesn’t mean it isn’t valid to talk about the changes that are happening.

From my experience as a Protection Officer, Sudanese in Egypt do not face the sort of extreme treatment others experience elsewhere. Egypt tries hard, but of course more can be done in terms of receiving, registering and processing. UNHCR also works at building awareness especially among professionals working with refugees. We are building capacity with the government: over the past year UNHCR has conducted 12 workshops with police, one with members of the People’s Assembly, one with journalists, and one with diplomats. UNHCR has met with representatives from the protest who presented demands. UNHCR tried to explain its limitations and that some things were already at work—specifically the priority of vulnerable groups. (End of interview)

Resettlement from the Embassies’ Viewpoint

We also talked with two representatives of major resettlement countries. Gerard Cheyne, US Regional Refugee Coordinator for North Africa and the Middle East, said, “The US Government supports the goal of voluntary repatriation of the Sudanese who left their homes during the conflict in the south. We will work with UNHCR in Cairo and elsewhere in the region to encourage the Sudanese to return to Sudan. At the same time we will continue to consider for resettlement any Sudanese for whom repatriation is not possible and for whom resettlement is believed to be the best durable solution—as determined by the UNHCR.” Ross Wilkie, Principle Migration Officer for the Canadian Embassy in Cairo had a similar response, “Any decision by UNHCR is one for them to comment on. Our large refugee resettlement program in Africa—which includes significant numbers of Sudanese from Cairo… is continuing.”

UNHCR claims to have made no explicit policy decision on the issue of resettlement of the Sudanese. In Ms. Nassif’s words, it is “just a statement of fact…that the number of people seeking resettlement will naturally diminish.” This blatantly contradicts the aspiration of the protestors expressed in one banner at the sit-in, “Fix our problems or send us to another country.”

Change in the air?

Last week, UNHCR held a meeting with various NGOs concerned about the on-going demonstration. Overall, the general attitude appears to have been one of disapproval. Fears were expressed that the organizers of the demonstration are encouraging parents to take their children out of schools, but we saw only very young children and babies at the protest. Another rumour cited was that leaders were encouraging people to join the protest by telling them they will receive $25 from the UNHCR for their presence at the demonstration. Since UNHCR clearly has insufficient funds for subsistence for the most vulnerable, what refugee would believe such a rumour?

Nevertheless, there is an eminent crisis. The refugees are in the park in front of a popular mosque where very large numbers of people come to pray at Eid el-Fitr, the feast celebrating the end of Ramadan. The police guarding them assume that the demonstrators have to be out by then. On the other hand, the refugees feel some security because the police are themselves upper Egyptians and feel a closer cultural bond with the protestors and tend to be more sympathetic. But this may not save the protest if the government takes the position it is expected to take.

Early mornings at the site now find refugees huddled together under blankets. As the weather turns increasingly cold, perhaps the elements themselves may decide the fate of the demonstration.

* This article was compiled by Alex Gomez, Themba Lewis, Martin Rowe, Assad Khalid Salih, Leslie Sander, Stacy Schafer and Helen Smith. They are students at the Forced Migration and Refugee Studies Programme in Cairo, Egypt.

* Please send comments to

A little known protest that demands global attention is taking place in a small garden in Cairo, Egypt. Sudanese refugees in Egypt, fed-up with having to endure appalling conditions and the constant abuse of their rights, have camped out near the regional office of the Cairo office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and are demanding protection from forced repatriation and protection of vulnerable groups. The protest has gained momentum after 19 days and is now estimated to include up to 1200 people. None of the protestors plan on going anywhere. “We will wait here, we will die here. We have no other place to go,” said one women. Photographs of the protest can be seen at http://www.flickr.com/photos/fahamu

Sudanese refugees have been holding a sit-in since September 29th in front of Mustafa Mahmoud Mosque in Cairo’s Mohandiseen district, significantly situated near the regional office of the Cairo office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). After nineteen days, the demonstration continues to grow larger; one observer counted 600 men and approximately 200 children and the women numbered 400estimated around 1200 people, and refugees say that others continue to join them from as far away as Alexandria and the Sinai. Saturday, the 15th, when refugees who have work are having a day off, the numbers were doubled.

Refugees have listed at least thirteen demands, chief among them protection from forced repatriation (The demonstrators described the current option provided by UNHCR as “compulsory voluntary repatriation”) protection of vulnerable groups, the reopening of ‘closed files’ and eventual resettlement to a third country. Demonstrators point to war in Darfur, violence in Khartoum, landmines and total lack of infrastructure in the South as evidence against claims to safety and stability. They complain of high levels of discrimination and violence against their communities as well as arbitrary detentions here in Egypt. Refugees complain about arbitrary detentions and there are banners with photographs named cases of individuals killed or disappeared in this country. They are particularly disturbed about the lack of protection of unaccompanied minors, the elderly, and unsupported women who head households. They are also worried about sexual abuse of the women and children.

Until about three years ago, UNHCR rejected the majority of applicants for determination interviews, an action contrary to the provision of prima facie recognition under the 1969 OAU Convention. Consequently thousands of cases were closed under “questionable” circumstances, an institutional failure that demonstrators want rectified. Refugees at the sit-in are also worried about sexual abuse, not only of women but of their children as well. Not the least of their complaints is the treatment meted out to them by UNHCR staff, which they describe as arrogant and rude - people recall being greeted by interviewers with remarks such as “Tell me your lies” A woman from Darfur articulates her problems with Egyptians, but she is not talking about any Egyptians, she means an Egyptian woman at UNHCR. Four months ago she went to UNHCR to ask about registering her daughter for school. The UNHCR staff member took her yellow temporary protection card and her passport and has never returned them. The last time she went there to retrieve them, they were reported lost, but no attempt was made to replace even her yellow card.They also reject the notion of “integration into Egyptian society” and the new “four freedoms” legislation, enacted in 2004, which entitles Sudanese and Egyptian nationals to enter each other’s countries without a visa, hold residence, own property, and work. Accepting the four freedoms, they argue, will be tantamount to accepting the authority of the government from which they fled.

They say that black Sudanese are daily exposed to racial discrimination and are afraid to let their children play in the streets. We ourselves observed a group of teenage boystaunting and harassing the demonstrators with slurs such as “black dogs” and other epithets. The refugees are demanding they be sent to a country where they would not face discrimination.
Sudanese refugees from all parts of their country have been arriving in Egypt since the civil war began in 1983. They joined the other 3 million Sudanese migrants who have been settled here for generations. Up until 1995, Egypt operated an “open door” policy to all Sudanese, and UNHCR generally assumed it unnecessary to grant refugee status to new arrivals even though they were fleeing war and persecution. After the 1995 assassination attempt on President Mubarak in Ethiopia, presumed to be facilitated by the Sudanese government, Egypt revoked many basic privileges such as education and healthcare once enjoyed by Sudanese residents and imposed visa and residency requirements on all new arrivals.

Subsequently UNHCR began interviewing individuals to determine their refugee status. Neglecting Egypt’s signatory status to the OAU Convention and working solely under the 1951 Convention definition, interviewers applied appallingly low procedural standards in determining refugee status. (Michael Kagan, 2002, “Assessment of Refugee Status Determination Procedure at UNHCR’s Cairo Office, 2001-2002”, Working Paper No. 1, Forced Migration and Refugee Studies, The American University in Cairo.) Ironically, had the same refugees fled to Uganda or Kenya, they would have received prima facie recognition under Article 2 of the OAU Convention recognizing refugees who have fled from, among other things, civil disorder. Since most “closed files” represent people who are refugees and cannot return, they are relegated to the margins of society, have no valid documents, and risk detention and refoulement (The term refers to forcibly repatriating refugees to a country where they face persecution. The right to non-refoulement is now customary international law).

Since UNHCR has stopped conducting individual status determination interviews, they have been issuing ‘yellow cards’ indicating that the holder is an asylum seeker. A yellow card grants no rights beyond residency and, theoretically, healthcare in extreme emergencies, through CARITAS, UNHCR’s implementing partner. One interpretation of this shift is that UNHCR is rightfully encouraging the Egyptian government to recognize refugees on prima facie basis; another interpretation is that UNHCR will be able to convince all Sudanese to repatriate. The demonstrators are protesting this new arrangement and demanding that they should be individually interviewed for refugee status.

Organization of The Demonstration

A meter-high fence surrounds the park. The refugees have closed off all but one of the entrances to allow their internal security to monitor the crowd. Walkways partition the park into sections for women and children, and men. The perimeter of the park is hung with bold-lettered English and Arabic banners on which are written a variety of slogans. “Attention please: Who will restore our rights?” asks one; “We reject local integration,” and “We are the victims of mismanagement,” read others. The banners include political cartoons and special displays devoted to those who have disappeared or been killed in Egypt.

Upon entering, the deliberate and careful organizational structure inside becomes strikingly clear. All visitors are required to identify themselves to the refugee security, and sometimes to the Egyptian police as well. The refugee security officials are easily distinguished by their red vests and badges. Journalists and students are quickly ushered into the garden and introduced to a media representative who provides copies of their demands. They are then directed to different demonstrators eager to articulate their experiences and complaints; translators are readily provided.

For the large number of people in this relatively small place, the atmosphere is surprisingly tranquil. There is no shouting, just a low murmur and a few crying children set against the background of a congested Cairo street. Multi-coloured sheets are hung up to protect people from the hot midday sun. The park has been kept clean; garbage is regularly collected; mats and blankets cover the ground in a haphazard patchwork. Donations are collected from within the group and food is distributed nightly. People have access to toilets at the mosque across the street and at the homes of sympathetic friends in the area. Some leave for work and personal matters but return to keep the numbers up. Even the leaders leave in shifts.

Three times a day the group’s motivational speakers and morale builders address the group for some 45 minutes. An occasional cheer or round of applause interrupts the otherwise silent crowd that is captivated by the speaker’s commanding voice emanating from the megaphone. He reminds them to “respect this place - it is your community” and “respect the police, they are protecting us.” The speakers instruct them to ignore the people who pass by hurling insults. The demonstrators are to remain within the garden, stay orderly, and avoid violence and rowdy behaviour. The organizers know what went wrong at last year’s protest and are determined not to repeat the same mistakes (In August 2004, an Egyptian NGO, SOUTH, mobilized a group of Sudanese to protest the issue of yellow cards. A meeting was organized with UNHCR at 2p.m. but refugees began arriving at 7 a.m. Around noon, things began to turn violent, police were called and tear gas was used to disperse the crowd. Twenty Sudanese were detained.) They take rightful pride in the dignity and resolve of all who continue to weather the days in this small park, and are quietly celebratory of the unity they have found in their defiance.

The organizing force behind the demonstration calls itself Refugee Voices. According to one spokesperson, the group was "formed by accident" after three leaders of the protest attended a Human Rights and Refugee Law seminar in March. A few weeks later, these three men and some other leaders of the Sudanese community were discussing complaints being voiced by members of their refugee communities. The creation of Refugee Voices was seen as a way to compile and examine the issues facing Sudanese refugees and begin searching for solutions. By mid-September, frustrated by a lack of progress with UNHCR, they decided to take action. A list of grievances was assembled and preparations were made to deliver it to the UNHCR office to be followed by a protest if their demands were not met. This action was planned to coincide with the start of Ramadan in the opening days of October. It was ultimately moved forward after one member of the group broke ranks and, with a separate group, approached UNHCR directly with the list. In response, the others began the sit-in early - on the 29th of September - and have subsequently barred him and his friends from the demonstration.

UNHCR and the Sit-In

During the first days of the sit-in a select group of the organizers had the opportunity to meet with a UNHCR official at the Cairo office, Ahmed Mohsen, the Deputy Protection Officer. One demonstration organizer reported Mr. Mohsen as saying UNHCR is in no position to resolve their demands; “there are 58,000 Sudanese refugees in Cairo and there is no way UNHCR could possibly be there for all of them.” At another meeting, the demonstrators report UNHCR patronizingly lectured them on the 1951 UN Convention and 1969 OAU Convention. UNHCR subsequently closed its offices for the ‘foreseeable future,’ fearing possible violence. After four days of closure, they have now reopened.

Out of fear of reprisals, the refugees refused to give their names to UNHCR at the few meetings they held. There is a palpable distrust of UNHCR and little expectation that their demands will be heeded. They feel that UNHCR is not only ignoring them but undermining their rights. Therefore the demonstrators are focusing their attention more broadly. “We won’t find a solution here. We want the international community to come,” one demonstrator told us, “and bring attention to the real problem here”. Indeed, the first banner at the gates of the demonstration asks in bold English letters, “Where is the international media?”

What’s next?

So far, the only international attention that the demonstration has garnered is from the Sudanese Embassy. The protestors routinely see embassy vehicles circling the sit-in during the day, but at 3 a. m. on 15 October, four men in an embassy car stopped and began distributing alcohol among some refugees. The leaders apprehended the four men and turned them over to the police, who promptly took them away. Refugees unscrewed the rear license plate of the vehicle, and are retaining it as evidence of the encounter. More incidents like this could jeopardize the future of the demonstration, and the refugees worry about how long the police will allow them to stay. One policeman told us that the demonstration “is illegal, but we are being patient”. How long this patience will last is unclear.

When asked about future plans for the sit-in refugees appeared resolved to stay indefinitely even if UNHCR continues to refuse their demands. They say the desperation that brought them here will keep them here. “We will wait here, we will die here,” declared one woman. “We have no other place to go.”

* Refugees Voices has setup an email, [email protected], and are using a website, www.sudaneseonline.org, so that supporters can sign on.

* A continuation of this article will be featured in next week’s edition of Pambazuka News, focusing on UNHCR’s reactions to the demonstration and further developments.

* This article was written by Alex Gomez, Themba Lewis,
Martin Rowe, Assad Khalid Salih, Leslie Sander, Stacy Schafer and Helen Smith. They are students at the Forced Migration and Refugee Studies Programme in Cairo, Egypt.

Souad never suspected how much her life was about to change when she was summoned four years ago by the Ministry of Health and Population to test for HIV/AIDS. There she was told that her husband had been tested positive for the virus two years earlier. Altogether, 2,115 cases of HIV/AIDS have been reported to the health ministry since 1986. However, UNAIDS reckons the infection is much more widespread in this country of 77 million people.

The rational behind this study was to focus on what was perceived to be the most marginalised of the refugee groups, those whose claims to asylum had been rejected, by examining their livelihood strategies. The research questions the prevailing view of refugees as a burden to the host society and attempts to study them as active agents. In this way, it examines the ways refugees contribute to the economy of the host society.