Calls on the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to quit the ruling coalition could lead to an early General Election, as the LDP has 68 MPs out of the 132 Narc MPs - leaving other parties in the coalition with 64. The LDP has already announced a new slogan, Rainbow Fagilia (Rainbow sweep), and a thumbs-up salute as its symbol - contrasting with Narc's two-finger V salute - and has established its Rainbow House headquarters in Nairobi's Lavington area, in readiness for the 2007 General Election.

There is more to the resignation of Law Society Chairman Ahmednasir Abdullahi from the Kenya Anti Corruption Commission (KACC) Advisory Board than meets the eye. Ostensibly, Mr Abdullahi resigned from the board because he was unimpressed by "President Kibaki's blatant and casual breaking of the law" in his refusal to confirm Dr Julius Rotich as a director of the commission. However, it seems that the greater significance of his resignation is that it signals a break in the cosy ties that the LSK and civil society as a whole have been seen to enjoy with the Narc government.

On the weekend of September 2, 2004, a group of Kenyans in Toronto had the chance to meet with the e-government Kenyan delegation that was visiting Canada. Lead by the Hon Raphael Tuju, Minister for Information and Communications, the team was in Canada to explore ways and learn from experiences that would make it possible to implement the e-government strategy, which intends to enhance government efficiency, accountability and transparency.

The incumbent will be responsible for the day-to-day implementation of
AATF's project portfolio. Other responsibilities will include the monitoring and technical supervision of individual technology transfer projects and the preparation of progress reports.

The 4th Annual International Conference on An Inter-faith Perspective on Globalisation will be held in Nairobi, Kericho and Mombasa, Kenya, from 18-28 April, 2005. Papers, panels, and roundtable submissions are invited from observers, commentators, academics and NGOs to address issues related to globalisation within identified themes of the conference by 15 November 2004. Please also note that the Conference is not only on Africa, but it is fully inclusive of other regions.

When in 2002 the crumbling Moi and KANU regime in Kenya nominated, with obvious orchestration from President MOI (a.k.a. MY OWN INTEREST), the son of the former founding President, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, as its presidential candidate, I was one of many outside observers who commented that the old Fox was desperate and desperately hanging unto any straws.

Uhuru, the anointed one, was a relative new comer to Kenyan politics and had nothing going for him other than his surname. His first foray into politics was both a personal disaster and comeuppance to Moi/KANU for taking the loyalty of Kenyan voters for granted assuming that the people of Gatundu, the Kenyatta constituency, will vote for anybody or anything, for that matter as long as Kenyatta was the last name. In 1997 Uhuru contested and lost most embarrassingly to a relatively unknown Nairobi architect, Mwihia, in a great electoral upset. Many felt that Uhuru’s political end came from the beginning and predicted his sunset before it even rose.

To choose someone who could not even deliver his father’s feudal estate as a presidential candidate, five years later, was indeed a sign of desperation. Needless to say that Uhuru and KANU deservingly lost that election to an overwhelming desire for democratic change by Kenyans that produced the current multiparty alliance government led by President Mwai Kibaki.

Not a few analysts and observers thought that the unwilling politician (pressed by family, Moi and KANU interests) that Uhuru was he would gracefully retire from politics and go back to the family business that he understood better. But he has hung on and he seems to be gaining both in confidence and acquiring personal political credibility that may yet make him a viable alternative leader for the country. Thanks to the unbridled ambitions of various fat egos in the NARC alliance the Kibaki government is virtually in paralysis and is increasingly forced to rely on KANU direct or indirect support to thwart his alliance partners. The exasperation of the jubilant and triumphalist electorate of 2002 is such that many are beginning to look back at KANU years as probably ‘not too bad after all’. Even those who will not go that far may say with extreme despair that ‘this is not what we expected’ and some will even argue that ‘the new lot are as bad as KANU’. Politics of despair works in favour of a shrewd opposition. Since most of the big parties are in the governing alliance this leaves KANU as the only credible formal political opposition. Uhuru accepted his defeat most gracefully and one must say that even Moi disengaged himself in a surprisingly dignified way much to the pleasant surprise of many critics who thought that the Old man would not go out peacefully. Since 2002 Uhuru seemed to have been putting his personal stamp and authority on KANU in a moderate reform agenda to ease out the Old guard, exorcise Moi’s ghost and also show Kenyans that he is much more than just his illustrious surname.

Take his recent frank statement to a KANU meeting apologising to Kenyans for the mistakes and wrongs done by KANU in its 40 years strangle hold on the politics, economy and society of Kenya. According to a BBC report ‘Mr Kenyatta noted a long list of acts KANU could be held responsible for. These included the repression of opposition activists, the lack of government accountability and politically motivated tribal clashes’. Quoting Uhuru directly: "I offer my most sincere apology to all Kenyans for mistakes made during the tenure of our party and call upon our members to join in this apology,"

How many politicians on this continent will be this humble and honest? Would a Babangida in Nigeria who robbed and ruined the country for 8 years and is now clamouring to return to finish his demolition job be contrite enough to say ‘sorry’? Someone who annulled a democratic election and has never explained to the public is now hoping to bribe his way back to power through democracy without remorse or shame or even sense of irony! 10 years after Genocide in Rwanda many MRND leaders and their allies in the clergy and other apologists continue to deny the Genocide and despite many of them professing religious faith have never expressed remorse let alone ask for forgiveness. IN Uganda how many of those anti Museveni Multi partyists who are rightly criticising the government and struggling against its growing excesses have ever taken the time to accept their own past responsibilities?

The queries are endless about the lack of political responsibility by both government and opposition in Africa. Many of our Opposition politicians think all they have to do is just oppose. But the opposition of today could be the government of tomorrow or in some cases were the government of yesterday. What kind of democracy is it that we are trying to build where governments (previous, present or future) do no wrong?

Uhuru’s honest confrontation with the ghosts of KANU past, whatever his motivations, is a breath of fresh air.

I disagree with him when in the same meeting he reportedly insisted that the responsibility is not collective. Politically it was a party based regime therefore KANU cannot claim successes without owning up to the failures too. However I am in full agreement with him in his "… call upon all individuals - present or past... responsible for those acts and omissions which so much aggrieved Kenyans to publicly own up, offer their individual apologies and seek forgiveness from the people of Kenya," How many politicians in government and outside of government will take up the challenge for political responsibility for their actions or inactions?

At the Kenya National Archives, only copies of the controversial Anglo-Maasai treaties of 1904 and 1911 are available, while the originals remain in the UK. The future of the disputed lands looks grim for the Maasai people as according to the treaty copies, Maasai leader Laibon Olonana signed away millions of acres of Maasai land to the colonialists on a 999-year lease.

Due to the lack of copyright and pornography legislation related to the Internet, many Kenyans continue to view disturbing material in public Internet cafes and offices without the fear of being penalized. While some Internet café operators, parents, schools and libraries have begun to install filtering software, the problem remains to be unregulated by the government.

The Kenya Human Rights Commission, which has been working with IDPs for several years now, argues that the total number in the country could well be beyond 600,000. This could be the case when you consider that in the run-up to the multiparty elections of 1992, up to 300,000 people were forced to flee their homes in the Rift Valley Province alone.

According to a speech made by Justice and Constitutional Affairs Minister Kiraitu Murungi, the quality of legal education has declined due to overcrowded schools. In order to deal with this problem, the government must invest in the current law schools by reducing the number of students, approving law examiners, and elevating the school standards.

One of the most important institutions in the fight against corruption and the misuse of public resources, the Office of the Controller and Auditor-General, were broken into last week. The thieves’ vandalized computers holding crucial information, stole 10 computer hard disks, Sh 40, 000 and destroyed documents.

The 2004 AFRICA'S BRAIN GAIN Nairobi Conference: "Facilitating Return of Talents to Africa through Project Collaboration", a conference for the Diaspora, Universities, Governments, NGOs, Development Partners, and the Private Sector to be held at the Safari Park Hotel, Nairobi, Kenya, 19th - 22nd December 2004.

Amnesty International is seriously concerned that Kenya's Suppression of Terrorism Bill 2003 contains measures that violate Kenyan law, human rights treaties to which Kenya is a party, and may result in human rights violations. The Kenyan government is presently gathering suggestions and comments on the Suppression of Terrorism Bill 2003 following widely expressed concerns and strong criticism that it contained measures that would impact negatively on human rights. The Bill, which was initially published last year, has now been shelved, pending presentation of a revised version to Parliament.

The increase in child molestation in Kenya is partly due to lack of education and knowledge about HIV/AIDS. The Kenyan Community Abroad Anti-Child Molestation Initiative or The STOP Campaign, argues that while education and awareness provide good starting points, more needs to be done which will deter the act of rape from occurring and penalize perpetrators through judicial policies.

A campaign to set up a women’s land movement has kicked off in Kenya, at a time when the East African country has embarked on a controversial land-reform debate. Campaigners argue that such a movement would ensure women speak with a unified voice. It would also incorporate their concerns in the on-going land debate.

Kenya had to end rampant public corruption and quickly liberalise state-controlled monopolies or risk being marginalised, even within east Africa, the US ambassador to Kenya, William Bellamy, said at the weekend. He said that besides the rise of HIV/Aids it was no secret why most of the east African country's socio-economic indicators were going down.

44 Masai herdsmen charged with invading white-owned ranches in Laikipia were ordered to pay a total of Sh3.5 million as bail this week. Their relatives and lawyers have claimed that the ruling is designed to harass the Masai and described the ruling as a prohibitive bail condition, claiming that the majority of the accused are simply unable to over the Sh80,000 ($1,000) required from each of them. The magistrate denied receiving any advice from the government and said that he was discharging his duties independently.

Nepad's Chief Executive, Pete Ondeng, this week said that corruption had become the greatest stumbling block to Kenya's development, killing the aspirations of millions of ordinary people and denting Kenya's image among development partners. Speaking in Kabarnet, Ondeng urged the Government to strengthen systems that can help the country eliminate the vice from among those entrusted with positions of leadership.

Minister of State William Ole Ntimama this week broke ranks with the government and threw his weight behind the Masai's campaign to reclaim ancestral land. "The Masai land was annexed under a state of war by the colonial government," the minister said. Calling for dialogue among the government, white farmers and the Masai to begin as soon as possible, he also appealed to the ranchers to "allow Masai to graze in some of the land. People are moving in desperation, there is no water or grass outside the electric fences," he said.

"We crawled into this dark hut with no windows. Inside was almost total darkness although it was only 10 o'clock in the morning. Lying at the corner with barely enough blankets to cover her self was a 35-year-old women dying of AIDS. She had lost her husband a year ago. At her age and with nothing, she was left to care for her five children. A coughing 4-year-old boy, whose future one dared not even think about, peeped behind her. Nobody could ask where the other children where for the trauma on her face was too much for any parent," writes Nyaradzai Gumbonzvanda, Regional Programme Director UNIFEM East and Horn of Africa.