Role of diaspora in post-Arab Spring reconstruction

An Austrian statesman, Prince Klemens Wenzel von Metternich, once remarked: ‘When France sneezes, Europe catches the cold’, referring to the 1848 revolutions which started in France and spread to other European states. This can also aptly explain the revolution that ignited in Tunisia later in 2010 and spread like wild fire across the Arab world. In the spring of 2012, from North Africa to the Middle East, governments were either been overthrown or pushed to jump from power in four countries: Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen.

Pro-democratic reforms were ushered in Jordan and Kuwait as shifting tendencies towards better governance, while events in neighbouring countries and early signs of the flu in their respective countries pressured rulers in Sudan and Iraq to quit things before things quit them by publicly denouncing their intentions to seek re-election when their terms expired. Only Syria proved to be weathering the storm, but for how long? It is anyone’s guess as the country is now in total turmoil and undergoing auto destruction. These events singly or collectively culminated to what contemporary pundits in the social media refer to as the ‘Arab Spring Revolution’.

Things will never be the same again in these countries, but as they commemorate the second anniversary of the gained liberties, it is pertinent to look at the role played by the diasporas as ‘drivers of change’ before, during and the post-revolution period. I will prefer to use post-protests period because a revolution is not a single event but a gradual process marked by a culmination of events spanning a period of time until the ultimate needs have been achieved. The present state of affairs in these states suggests strongly that there is a holistic view of the emerging leaders to come through free and fair elections as the sole accomplishment of the revolution.

One can safely state that the first phase of the Arab Spring is only an affaire accompli; it is just the battle won and not the war. As the Arab Revolution strongly suggests, holding elections without first guaranteeing individual and minority rights could lead to the rise of illiberal democracy and the tyranny of the majority, as unfolding event demonstrate in the second Egyptian revolution.

This argument is pivoted on the premise that pulling down regimes and holding free and fair democratic elections are per se not enough, but such should be accompanied by a well-grounded constitution in which all attributes of libertarian democracy are enshrined. In other words, free and fair elections form an integral part of the revolution.

It would therefore be erroneous to hastily conclude that the North African Arab Spring is the end of the game. It should constitute the second phase, which requires the laying down of state institutions in conformity with Montesquieu`s trias politica, or division of powers, between the Legislature, Judiciary and Executive. The consolidation of these also forms an integral part of this phase where laws are put in to the test; how they are enacted, modified or eradicated over time. The overall achievements can only be measured in terms of the impact this will have on posterity and through indicators such as freedoms (speech, religion, association, owner of property, and choice), rights of the minority, women’s equality, equal access to opportunities and national wealth, and the rule of law. The on-going organized chaos which has characterized the period after the falling of the regimes can either be attributed to the attempt of some revolutionaries to maintain these gains or an attempt by some to do away with them.

EXAMPLE OF GOOD PRACTICE

Of all four countries that experienced regime-change, only Tunisia stands aloof in setting an example of ´good practice´ by steering the revolutionary ship while staying the right direction and course towards the right shores. Evidence of this is maturity with which Tunisians have conducted themselves in handling the post-Ben Ali era. This further explains the reasons for which they conducted the revolution in the first place, while the internal situation of its neighbours tends to suggest that they joined the game without any vision for the future. Two of them are worse-off. The revolution left a power vacuum and the unprecedented insecurity reigning in Libya suggests that some special mechanisms and structures have to assume the monopoly of violence in that country. Meanwhile the internal situation of Egypt has left many Egyptians confused and pondering whether they will adopt a religious, authoritarian, democratic and maybe a bit of each of these— religious-authoritarian-democratic hybrid - for their new nation. Meantime the internal situation in Yemen is fairly dormant, but for how long? Only time will tell as to whether the power transfer arrangements were dubious or genuine.

HOW DOES THE DIASPORA GET INVOLVED?

As long-distant-political agents, the Arab diaspora is needed in all the phases and most importantly now than ever before in the reconstruction process. Although the on-going debate on the role of diasporas as either ‘peace-brokers’ and ‘peace-breakers’ in Africa is still very controversial, the contributory efforts of diaspora as stakeholders in post-conflict reconstruction, nation-building through the promotion of peace and development is undisputable and not a far-fetched illusion. Notwithstanding and as far as the Arab Spring is concerned, first, their ability facilitate the mobilization of the masses through the social media while in far-off lands is seen as an invaluable contribution. Second, their ability to provide financial and other logistics to support the revolutions in homelands is a great achievement with an outstanding example in the case of Libya where some members of the diaspora actually headed the conflict fronts to overthrow Gaddafi. These support the argument that diasporas practice long-distance nationalism. This is posited fact that although they have left home, they still stay very much in touch; or to put it better, they are still very much emotionally attached to their countries of origin. Evidence of this is that they follow the socio-cultural, economic, political developments at home with keen interest.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The various liberties already gained and still to be gained from the revolution form the basis for sustainable development and peace for the countries. These two complement each other as sustainable development brings about lasting peace and vice versa, both constituting the reconstruction phase while simultaneously consolidating what has been achieved. This is where the diaspora comes in as an inevitable stakeholder in the reconstruction and consolidation processes through the following recommendations.

Capital is needed for reconstruction, development and prosperity. The diaspora remains a true partner in foul weather when foreign investment is curtailed. Even international financial institutions like the World Bank and IMF believe that diaspora investments could help to meet some of the funding needs in the years ahead in order to revamp their homeland economies.

Intellectual capital manifested through good leadership as well as best practices remitted by the diaspora will prove to be indispensible for reconstruction and consolidation of the political structures in the newly-born democracies. The diaspora will impact their homelands positively with the reversal from ‘brain drain’ to ‘brain gain’.

Social capital will lay concrete foundations for capacity-building of civil society that has hitherto suffered persecution from the ancient regimes. Diasporas stand to inculcate the art of tolerance by creating awareness built on social cohabitation. This would eventually generate political sophistication with the effects being felt in every spectrum of society.

Cultural capital is advanced on the premises that the revolution did not aim at eradicating historical and cultural institutions but to render them more dynamic.

Lastly, it is accepted that the diaspora has emerged as transnational actors. This is evident in its ability to mobilize resources towards the reconstruction of post-conflict societies. Given the homogeneity of the Arab regions, it is debatable as to whether the model of ‘good practices’ propounded by DIASPEACE research on diasporas contribution to peace in the Horn of Africa involving Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea can be applied to the North of Africa as part of the post-revolutionary peace-building process.

The ability of the diaspora itself to mobilize resources and to prove or convince the new leaders and civil society without any reasonable doubt that their involvement is an indispensible asset towards achieving sustainable peace and development; that they are worthy ‘peace brokers’ and not ‘peace breakers’. Also the capacity-building cohesion that prevails within the ranks of the diaspora is also non-negligible.

The political will expressed through the enthusiasm of the leaders of the newly emerged democracies in the Arab world to absorb the ideas and the potentials of their diaspora is of paramount importance. At this juncture, it becomes clear that the ball is in the court of the custodians of the newly acquired and evolving democracies. This would be the unique opportunity for them to harness and tap into the resources of the diaspora by engaging with them through meaningful and strategic dialogue. Failure to do so will make them no different from their predecessors. They risk steering the ship towards the rocks and posterity would hold them as ‘enemies’ instead of ‘children’ of the revolution.

The role of the diaspora in shaping the future of the North African Arab Spring countries cannot be down-played. As emerging transnational stakeholders or co-development actors, they hold the master key towards sustainable peace and advancement of that part of the African continent - South of the Mediterranean. They possess the tools to remit both financially and psychologically. Their level of political sophistication and civil society building capacity is unparalleled with any in the region. If given the chance, they can contribute to deliver the goods that will consolidate the newly worn liberties through institutional structures and mechanisms that would render the Arab Spring ‘glorious’ and a Mission Accompli.

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