This article is a response to an article (entitled “The Anatomy of Zimbabwe’s Problems (http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/37060) by Maggie Makanza that we published last month. Kwanisai Mafa and Netfa Freeman caution “…all Africans at home and in the Diaspora are to unite against real live enemies and beware of any diagnoses with a psychosis of denial that neglects the most pertinent aspects our anatomical problems.”

We agree with the author of this article that all is not well in Zimbabwe but she fails to objectively explain the causes of the problems in Zimbabwe. It is strange to make a statement like "Most pressure for reform appears to be coming from external rather than internal forces" without referring to the external destabilization measures of the British and US governments, the EU and certain white settlers bent on maintaining power and privilege. This is to speak of such problems in Zimbabwe as if the aforementioned have no bearing on them, or as if they do not exist. In psychology this is analogous to a condition called denial.

Zimbabwe’s problems are caused by two conflicting ideological dispositions, Pan-Africanism versus neo-colonialism. To understand this, we must remember that British Prime Minister Tony Blair stated openly that he is working with the Movement of Democratic Change in Zimbabwe to effect regime change. To achieve this objective the western secret services MI6, CIA, and others used their arsenals of alliances, networks of military bases, economic devices such as sanctions, sabotage, blackmail, and provocateurs. Equally insidious is the psychological weapon of propaganda which aims to impress on the masses a number of imperialist dogmas.

Kwame Nkrumah taught us that these are the “mechanisms of neo-colonialism”. Nkrumah told us “In the labor field, for example, imperialism operates through labor arms like the Social Democratic parties of Europe led by the British Labor Party, and through such instruments as the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), now apparently being superseded by the New York Africa-American Labor Center (AALC) under AFL-CIO chief George Meany and the well-known CIA man in labor’s top echelons, Irving Brown.”

Philip Agee, former CIA operative and author of Inside the Company: CIA Diary, confirms this when he revealed that “…the successes of revolutionary movements in Ethiopia, Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Grenada, Nicaragua and elsewhere brought ‘cold warrior’ Democrats and ‘internationalist’ Republicans together to establish in 1979 the American Political Foundation (APF). The foundation's task was to study the feasibility of establishing through legislation a government-financed foundation to subsidize foreign operations in civil society through U.S. non-governmental organizations. Within APF four task forces were set up to conduct the study, one for the Democrats, one for the Republicans, one for the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and one for the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO).”

Agee describes how this effort developed mainly into the U.S Agency for International Development now doing overtly what the CIA used to do covertly to advance the neo-colonial agenda of the West. The psychological denial around Zimbabwe consistently avoids such facts. The author asks, “Why has the pro-democracy movement not been able to capitalize on many reported failures of the ZANU PF government?” Could it be because this not a legitimate movement? Nor is it for democracy.

Neglected by psychological denial in the anatomy of Zimbabwe’s problems is the fact that the trade union “movement” in Zimbabwe, which spawned the so-called Movement for Democratic Change, is in line with recommendations from a 1998 European Union study on Zimbabwe. These recommendations call for Mugabe’s removal specifically by systematically building up NGOs and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) as alternative centers of power, supported by fostering strikes, demonstrations, urban unrest, food riots and carefully engineering dissension within the ranks of the government, the ruling party and the country's armed forces.

The blatant violation of Zimbabwe’s sovereignty is inherent in the anatomy of Zimbabwe’s problems. No other word better describes omission of this fact than the condition of denial.

Surprisingly the author who is a member of a liberal organization, Zimbabwe Social Forum, has lost faith in the parliamentary system, and says that “the continual use of the ballot under the present circumstances can only be described as sheer madness.” What other means is the author advocating? Imperialism tells us that western democracy and the parliamentary system are the only valid ways of governing. Zimbabwe has been using this model to run elections since its independence every five years without fail.

It is wrong to say that people lack energy and suffer from inertia to fight the regime. The only democratic means for regime change is through the ballot box. We know, however that the leader of the main opposition in Zimbabwe, Morgan Tsvangirai is on record as suggesting that if Mugabe does not want to go they will remove him violently. He has been exposed through meetings in London and Montreal, Canada in what was more than likely a plot to assassinate President Mugabe and stage a coup d'état.

The leader of MDC has been globetrotting calling for the isolation of Zimbabwe through economic sanctions. While the western governments are fooling the world that these are “smart sanctions” targeting only government and party leaders, so-called progressives abet this misnomer by blaming Zimbabwe’s ailing economy on Mugabe and ZANU- PF.

These so-called progressives neglect to consider that these sanctions openly oppose “any extension by [international financial institutions] of any loan, credit, or guarantee to the government of Zimbabwe" and in addition oppose any reduction or cancellation of debt. It is dishonest denial to suggest the anatomy of Zimbabwe’s problems can be determined without conceding to these facts. The ordinary person is suffering because of these sanctions.

If ZANU PF were intolerant of the opposition, MDC would not be in parliament. Most mayors and councilors in urban centers are MDC. MDC legislators head most parliamentary portfolio committees. This demonstrates that people in Zimbabwe have the capacity to choose the leadership they want. ZANU PF knows that urban centres are MDC domains. MDC knows well that rural constituencies are ZANU PF strongholds. The majority of the Zimbabwean population lives in rural areas. The author is not correct to say that rural folk have been used and then “abandoned” after elections. Since independence, government has embarked on many developmental projects in rural areas to improve their lives. Most of the major dams were built in rural areas for irrigation and fisheries.

Most rural areas have benefited immensely from the government rural electrification programs. Schools and clinics have been built and recently the government is building major referral hospitals in all districts. Every farming season the government dispatches tractors to rural folk for tillage but the major challenge has been fuel, a need mostly impeded by foreign versus domestic challenges.

There are so many government community empowerment programmes underway in rural areas. Seed packs and fertilizers are given to the rural folk and new farmers for free by the government. With these things is it not also a denial to say rural people are being neglected?

However, the author is right when she says, “the opposition has worked on the false assumption that no one supports ZANU PF.” Tsvangirai and his controllers have seen that they cannot dislodge ZANU PF through the ballot box. That is why they are trying to create the “necessary conditions needed for combustion to happen” so that they can violently remove the government. Tsvangirai even asked President Thabo Mbeki to cut all lifelines to Zimbabwe including trade routes, electricity supply and fuel. Any leader with people at heart would not ask for the continued suffering of his own people until they vote him into power.

On the land issue, the author needs to do more thorough research about the history of this question in Zimbabwe. There is nothing poor or chaotic about the land reform programme. What solution could have been better to address the racial land imbalance maintained by the “willing buyer-willing seller” clause? Who was willing to sell land and who, in a new nation of mostly poor Africans, was in a position to buy it?

An honest analogy for the anatomy of Zimbabwe’s problems is more like a gang taking control of a family’s’ house. Only after being forced by the family to relinquish control in part, the gang then co-opts certain family members to badger the rest into infighting while the gang ransacks the house and from outside, standing in front of their glass homes they throw stones. Our call to all Africans at home and in the Diaspora is to unite against real live enemies and beware of any diagnoses with a psychosis of denial that neglects the most pertinent aspects our anatomical problems.

• Kwanisai Mafa is an Electronic Resources Librarian at Zimbabwe’s Midland State University and Chairman of the Ujamma Youth Farming Project in Gweru. He can be reached at [email][email protected] Netfa Freeman is the Director of the Social Action & Leadership School for Activists at the Institute for Policy Studies and an organizer with PALO, the Pan-African Liberation Organization. He can be reached at [email][email protected]
• Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org

Manuel Paulo argues that Angola has unparalleled opportunities, “but it also faces major constraints and challenges, which if not properly managed could have extremely damaging consequences, indeed, cancelling out the opportunities available.” He points out that for a successful consolidation of long-term sustainable peace to exist in Angola, the economy would need to be diversified first.

The rhetoric in Angola has been that the coming of peace brings with it the opportunity to create a strong economy and society in which the entire population will share the benefits of Angola's huge mineral wealth. Indeed, Norway, Chile and Botswana provide evidence where sustainable development has been built on the basis of mineral wealth. In Angola, however, oil companies tend to voluntarily invest large sums of money into social investment programmes, with little developmental impact on the country, and it appears that the primary purpose of these programmes having more to do with public relations motives than any real commitment to meaningful advances for the local greater populace.

The country has unparalleled opportunities, but it also faces major constraints and challenges, which if not properly managed could have extremely damaging consequences, indeed, cancelling out the opportunities available. Firstly, to ensure implementation of a rigorous application of modern procurement system which would limit opportunities for corruption, there must be a capable workforce as well as an operational legal system. Secondly, there should be efforts to boost development in the country as a whole. Failure to improve the business climate outside the oil sector will continue to result in large-scale urban unemployment. Such a situation would worsen urban poverty and allow frustration to simmer, especially among the youth. The latter nowadays turn to alcohol to contain their frustration at not being able to find a job. Lack of jobs for the youth may well be an ingredient for violence or indeed criminal activities to thrive.

It is safe to say that a promising future for Angola and Angolans will require the development of an independent judicial system, a neutral civil service and strong state institutions, which will require more than the current superficial social investment programmes from the international oil companies. Oil on its own will not lead to increasing Angolan economic and social indicators from its current levels. Sustainable employment creation in Angola can only come from broad-based economic development that goes beyond an oil sector, which provides very few direct jobs. In the medium term, large numbers of jobs will only be generated by large government public works programmes aimed at rebuilding the country’s shattered infrastructure, and in the agriculture sector.

International oil companies currently investing in the Angolan oil industry are required to engage in a process known as Angolanisation, a process common to most developing oil producing countries. This process requires foreign oil companies operating in Angola to staff their local operations mainly with Angolans, ostensibly to benefit to a greater number of Angolans. However, the beneficiaries of Angolanisation are predominantly foreign educated Angolans because ordinary Angolans who attend local state schools are unable to compete on an equal level with Angolans who were trained abroad. In addition, most international oil companies operating in Angola have admitted that there is a fierce competition for skilled Angolans amongst international oil companies, let alone the state. This means that competent workers from already fragile and under-performing state institutions are lost to international oil companies - placing the government in a disadvantaged position when trying to attract qualified personnel for its already weak public administration. International oil companies are also in a stronger position to attract well-educated Angolans due to high remuneration, and better working conditions they offer. The government on the other hand, is unable to pay the sort of salary, training and benefits that international oil companies are offering.

This is a short-sighted strategy since the Angolan authorities should see diversification of the economy as a decisive factor in the successful consolidation of a long-term sustainable peace. Additionally, failure to revive the non-oil economy (that provides jobs and sources of income for ordinary Angolans) will result in popular discontentment and continuing high levels of social inequality a potential source for future popular discontent. This situation is seemingly not of concern to international oil companies, because their goal is the formal one of presenting acceptable statistics to the government on their compliance with the process of Angolanisation.

It is well known that the oil industry is not an engine for job creation. The industry is capital-intensive and after half a century of oil production in Angola, the industry employs only about 19,000 Angolans. Only 50 percent of engineers are Angolans and in certain types of technical jobs such as drilling and well servicing the proportion is even lower, which is low by any industry standards (IPEDEX 2003). The government should establish a more supportive regulatory framework and a fund that permits improvements in education and training, and allows apprenticeship schemes and many other economic activities independent of government to thrive as a way to diversify the economy. Subsequently, the country’s substantial oil earnings could be a major source of investment in a National Training Fund to the necessary human resources to unlock other sectors of the economy that generate more jobs than the oil industry.

Nevertheless, many would argue that, oil funds are not an easy – nor necessarily an appropriate – solution to the problem of diversifying the Angolan economy. However, the proposed National Training Fund would require the government of Angola to set up a legal framework to govern it, in order to avoid the problems the Venezuela Oil Fund experienced. In order to address possible allegations and suspicions of cronyism and patronage, the government should open its books to a leading external auditory firm to monitor the Fund management of the resources.

One way to fund the Oil Fund would be to make it compulsory for international oil companies to pay a quota for each expatriate they have in the country. The quota is a way to encourage oil companies to recruit locally, and the quota would vary from exploration to production phase. The benefit of such an initiative is that all spectra of Angolan society would have a stake in the development of Angola, and international oil companies would not be accused of creating another elite in Angola under the Angolanisation programme. The government would also be able to address the lack of human capacity to effectively manage the revenue generated by the country’s resources. This will be a way of facilitating addressing Angola’s severe shortage of professional personnel.

Oil Funds have been into place in Norway, and Kuwait for decades. Colombia, Venezuela, Azerbaijan, and Chad have also embraced such funds. These funds have several purposes such as keeping money out of the economy to avoid ‘Dutch Disease’ and other problems associated with large inflows of money into an economy that cannot absorb it; or saving revenues for future generations. However, in the case of Angola a National Training Fund financed by oil revenue could be used as a mechanism to introduce a comprehensive Angolanisation Programme that goes beyond the oil industry.

This paper has shown that there are constructive ways in which international oil companies could contribute to Angola’s development not by creating another elite within its Angolan workforce or instituting systems of patronage. Instead, all efforts should be direct towards ensuring that the wealth the oil industry brings benefits all Angolans. The National Training Fund proposed above could be decisive to address the weak capacity and lack of professionals for the oil industry, and help Angola to diversify its economy.

• Manuel Paulo is a PhD Candidate at Middlesex University Business School, Fellow on Angola at Chatham House.
• Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

In a recent speech at the 50th Anniversary of the 1st International Conference of Black Writers & Artists in Paris, Wole Soyinka warned against the neglect of those who remain silent against the crimes against humanity in Darfur: "As the armies of the Sudanese state mass for the final onslaught on its long determined design of race extermination, that future will stigmatise you one and all, will brand you collaborators and acccomplices if you abandon the people of Darfur to this awful fate, one that so blindingly scrawls its name across the supplicating sands and hills of Darfur – Genocide!"

Was it not here, on this same French soil, in this culture proud nation that sometimes appears to conflate the very notion of civilization with whatever is uniquely French, that a culture warrior once took the bulldozer to a hamburger joint some years ago? His mission was - to stem the tide of a neo-barbarism that, for the French, is synonymous with whatever is American. Lost on that-protector of French cultural purity was a thought that must have tickled the collective memory of former French colonials: the Macdonalisationor Disneyisation of French urban landscape was a kind of poetic justice in a reverse play of history. MacDonalds had arrived from the former colony of another European power to challenge the cultural hermeticism of a former colonizer.

The circumstances, and action directe of the bulldozer response differed somewhat from the strategy embarked upon by the poet and statesman Leopold Sedar Senghor, Aime Cesaire, Leon Damas, Diop, Rene Depestre and other cultural militants - to adopt Senghor’s own expression – in their own time.

They were also protesting – right on the terrain of their colonizers, and as protagonists of a distant civilisation - the ascendancy of others over their own cultures and civilization. Theirs was of course a far-reaching protest, initiated within the enemy camp, against the lop-sided dialogue between France and her possessions, one that had turned the African mind into a mere cultural receptacle of France, indentured it to European identity and values. Thus, Negritude – to give it its name - was compelled to commence by a seemingly separatist strategy, one that restated an African cultural matrix in contradistinction to the European.

The implication of this, on the surface, was that the paracletes of Negritude commenced with a proposition of two distinct, parallel cultures, two monologues – one, the European, the other, black African. It was, in plain language, a strategy of fighting fire with fire. Those who recall the phase of
black nationalism in the United States and in apartheid South Africa – Back to Africa, Black is Beautiful, Black Consciousness etc. - will easily recognize in Negritude both heir to, and precursor of a tradition that is born of displacement, domination and dispossession. Its strategy provoked accusations of counter racism from white liberal thought – phrased benignly perhaps by Jean-Paul Sartre as - anti-racist racism. Would all extant racial discourse – all contemporary propositions and projects of cultural separatism were equally benign, and even, as in this case, propitious for the harmonization of the human race. For even this separatist assertiveness was eventually guided into the predication of convergence with others. This optimistic outlook, the mutual insemination of cultures, under Leopold Sedar Senghor’s restless historicism, expanded to embrace the Arab world and its cultural actualities, to which he gave the name – Arabite. It was the culminating annunciation of what history itself had long proclaimed, one that would result, inexorably – in Senghor’s formulation - as the Equilibrium of twentieth-century Humanism, the Civilisation of the Universal.

It would be more than sufficient, in my view, if our gathering today achieved nothing more than an evocation of that optimism, a reunion of minds, a celebration of identity and origin, and an opening up of the collective memory for interrogation, to determine what may be jettisoned, and what to re invigorate as a racial contribution to the quest for the universal. It would still remain deeply satisfying if we have merely responded to the human impulse towards celebration, carving out a brief pause for ourselves from the crushing demands of an increasingly unstable world, its negativities, its season of fear and menace, simply to bask, for two or three days in the boldness of a 50- year old initiative that sought to wean a closed, imperial and aggressive world of its racist limitations. It would be sufficient to celebrate that moment, fifty years ago, when the citizens of the continent of disdain, and their brothers and sisters in the Diaspora joined minds to demolish the doctrines on which the mission of colonialism was raised, and challenge the scriptures – both religious and philosophical - on whose authority the inhuman commerce in black flesh - Arab and European - had been justified. Celebration may choose to limit itself to the euphoria of that event, but one that may also be followed by the sobriety of ‘the morning after’ when reflection takes over, and the expressed or implicit summons of the occasion begin to resurface, enjoining a re-designing of the future, of a re-positioning of attitudes, replacing complacency with re-dedication, disturbing one’s peace of mind with the summons of a familiar imperative: a task that remains unfinished, even after fifty years.

The very prospect of such a reunion, even before the event, may however have provoked an alertness to current, thematically contingent actualities, realities that exhibit the very provocations which, in no small measure, aroused a need for that original gathering, over and beyond the mere wish for a meeting of minds. Realities that make the bulldozer almost a benevolent act, since that agent of cultural eradication has since given way to the armoured truck, the flame thrower, the strafing aircraft and the fragmentation bomb.

Realities where – to bring it all to the present - a presumably modern state, with its massive weaponry of coercion, has replaced the local maverick, acts in full confidence of the control of its own borders, and in a project for the alteration of the demography of a humanised space, its history, its cultural uniqueness – in short, a project for the eradication of its thriving humanity.

Even as we speak, even as the world is distracted by other heated zones all over the globe, one such project is taking place on the black continent, with the passive complicity of that continent’s rulers.

Those who have had the dubious privilege of reading the manifestoes of the arrowhead of a state policy of ethnic cleansing, the Sudanese Janjaweed, an agenda pronounced, without ambiguity, as the Arabisation of the Sudanese nation - will surely have squirmed at the naked language of racial incitement, its claims of race superiority, complemented by the language of contempt and disdain for the indigenous African. It is not quite what Senghor had in mind when he embarked on his fraternal annunciation of arabite and his proposition for a north-south, negro-arab collaboration of cultures: Je ne parle meme d’arabisme…. je parle d’arabite, de cette arabite qui est le foyer irradiant des vertus de l’eternal Bedouin.

How Senghor, humanist idealist, would shudder today at the perversion of that vision on reading contemporary tracts in which a state commits itself –through its surrogates - to the eradication of partners in that optimistic venture, actively condones the elimination of those cultural partners who, to add to the grim irony, were autochthones of that land long before the arrival of the current apostles of race supremacy, a pernicious fantasy that one hoped had been rebuked by monumental race criminalities of the past - the Arabo-European enslavement of and trade in the commodity of African peoples, by the Jim Crow culture of governance by lynch mobs and segregation laws in the ‘brave new world’ of the American mainland, by the lessons of the Holocaust, the atrocities of Apartheid South Africa and even, so lately, the horrors of Rwanda. It is clearly the ambition of the Sudanese government to surpass these records of dishonour, and the world appears to accept that it deserves to succeed, that it is right and just that an African nation join its name to the long catalogue of racist infamy. Enjoy the starkness and concision of directives from authenticated documents taken from the headquarters of one Sheik Musa Hilal, acknowledged leader of the Janjaweed: Change the demography of Darfur. Empty it of all African tribes.

The nation that is Sudan belongs to two families of the world community – Arab and African. These are structured, with global recognition, as the Arab League, and the Africa Union. It is depressing to observe the studied indifference of one – the Arab family - to the criminality of one of its members, a nation historically placed as a cultural bridge between two races, just as, in Senghor’s cultural architecture, the North Africa Arab world represents the bridge between Africa and Europe. The African family, for its part, manifests a shaming impotence that permits a re-enactment of a history that forged the chains of colonial bondage. But there is also a third, overarching family that is common to both – the United Nations. When a deviant branch of that family of nations flouts, indeed revels in the abandonment of the most basic norms of human decency, is there really justification in evoking the excuse that protocol requires the permission of that same arrogant and defiant entity, one that is unambiguously indicted in the court of universal censure, before it goes to the rescue of its abused, violated, and dehumanized victims?

One finds it odd that this alibi for inaction was not invoked before the rigorous intervention in former Yugoslavia, an intervention that not only brought a rogue regime to heel, but oversaw the return and rehabilitation of the dispersed populations of ethnic Albanians and Moslem Croats. If the lightning speed at which the UN responded to the recent Middle East war and its aftermath is explained away by the willingness of the belligerents to accommodate, indeed to demand the presence of peace enforcers from the United Nations, we are still left with the example of intervention in central Europe over the strenuous resistance of the murdering regimes. That leaves the African situation in what category, exactly? Equals before the family structures of rights and responsibilities, or yet again, fifty years after the first organised challenge to a racist order, as the marginalised orphans of history?

As we speak, the Africa Union is preparing to abandon the peoples of Darfur, leaving them at the mercy of murdering, raping, and burning gospellers of race doctrine, withdrawing even its pathetically inadequate protection forces which, at the very least, provided a moral presence and a modicum of restraint. We are speaking here of a nation where mass rape is proffered as compliment to Senghor’s vision of cultural metissage. This is the established profile of a regime that has given its peers their marching orders, read them the riot act and delivered its ultimatum, and the African family has chosen to obey, to beat a retreat on schedule, with its tail between its legs. The Arab Family, one to which belongs a primary moral authority irrespective of the location of its member on the black continent, has steadfastly refused to call Sudan to order, indeed placed obstacles in the way of sanctions. But by what right does this speaker impose this moral responsibility on the Arab world?

None whatsoever, except on the authority of the protagonists of Arab culture themselves, on their own historic claims, such as the self-pronounced Arabist, the Sudanese prime minister, Ismail Al- Azhari, who, in 1965, made the following declaration:

‘We are proud of our Arab origin, of our Arabism and of being Muslims. The Arabs came to this continent, as pioneers, to disseminate a genuine culture and promote sound principles which have shed enlightenment and civilization throughout Africa at a time when Europe was plunged into the abyss of darkness, ignorance, and doctrinal and scholarly backwardness. It is our ancestors who held the torch high and led the caravan of liberation and advancement; and it is they who provided a superior melting-pot for Greek, Persian and Indian culture, giving them the chance to react with all that was noble in Arab culture, and handing them back to the rest of the world as a guide to those who wished to extend the frontiers of learning”

That lofty declaration – never mind its hyperbolic accents - but certainly one which Leopold Sedar Senghor would have endorsed as the ringing spirit of Arabite was made just less than a decade after the first gathering of the black writers and artistes of the world, impelled also by the need to situate their race and heritage accurately in a racist world. The claims of black civilization were no less resonant at that conference, no less proud, the mission of race retrieval no less impassioned. And the question we must ask the government of Sudan today is simply this: how does the current manifesto of the Janjaweed, the champions of Arabism, its project of cultural extermination, correspond to Al-Azhari’s manifesto of enlightenment – among numerous others.

Examine the tomes of attestation with the United Nations’ fact-finding missions, examine even the dossiers that have resulted in sealed indictments against named individuals both in government and in the autonomous order of the Janjaweed, soulmates of the Milesovics, the Radovan Karavics, the Radkos of eastern Europe, and tell us if Al-Azhari’s banner of enlightenment has not been besmirched by his Hitlerian apostles.

And the African family? I refer to the family of humanist idealism of whom the poets and philosophers sang or preached – Aime Cesaire, Leon Damas, Marcelino dos Santos John Mbiti, Ogotimeli, Tierno Bokar and all. Did they not instruct that African humanism does implicate a concern, and a responsibility towards ‘my neighour’? And does that responsibility end with the rhetoric of power and the commodity of compromise? This African family, which vies for cultural honour with any race on earth, will be the subject of our gathering here, so for now, we shall merely let this question hang in the air: Has that family made any move to openly denounce or expel this renegade member?

What happens in private caucuses within the closed chambers of the so-called ‘peer review mechanism’ of NEPAD and other much vaunted structures of restraint, is cold comfort to those who are violated daily, who fight the hot and grainy wind for the rags on their backs, the pitiless sun for moisture, the camels for the dry clumps of grass that have escaped the fury of the Janjaweed arsonists. And as they leave their camps, in sheer desperation, to forage for more nourishing fodder, are they not set upon by the marauding Janjaweed, slaughtered, raped, mutilated and robbed of the last shreds of their innate dignity?

For the family of all, the United Nations, which again and again has been compelled to avow, ‘Never Again’, it continues to meet in impotence and debate in sterility. Sealed indictments against the identified violators of humanity are admirable, but they cannot replace the rigour and honour of prevention.

Not one member of the UN family has expressed its displeasure by expelling Sudanese diplomats from its borders. Not one has demanded that sanctions be universally applied to the Sudanese cesspit of criminal impunity. For decades, Libya was declared the pariah of the international community on suspicion and/or evidence of complicity in terrorist acts, and of harbouring terrorists within its borders – she was ostracized. What further dimension of state terrorism does the world need in order to act when a government unleashes its surrogates, armed to the teeth, supported, supplied, and logistically enabled by its own forces and intelligence services, authorised by well documented mandate of ethnic cleansing, its acts witnessed, recorded and reported by the United Nations’ own agencies, its results seared on the Sudanese landscape as mass burial grounds, ruins of burnt villages, poisoned wells, slaughtered livestock, in the swelling army of mutilated survivors, victims of gang rape, of diseased and overflowing refugee camps.

Words are our stock-in- trade, and writers are not slow to notice when a word screams out through absence and avoidance. Now what is that word that the United Nations, once again, has scrupulously skirted, a strategic avoidance, a moral liability that led, in this very recent memory to - Rwanda? The protocols are clear. Recognition of a certain dimension of criminality against a people, its culture, against the very existence of the people of Darfur compels the United Nations to act. But no, Darfur is not the heart of Europe.

It is not the heart of Lebanon or the borders of Israel. It is located in a land of disdain, recognized only as the home of want and occasionally – of much sought material resources So, just what is this word that accuses, damns, and will not be silenced? What is this word for which so many substitutes are massed, though derobed of the inexorable imperative, in the corridors and chambers of the United Nations?

As writers, we cannot cease to recognize and embrace our mission of testifying and laying ambush for escapist minds. Those who are alive today to witness this renewed perfidy, and their successors living or yet unborn in the mission of warning and bearing witness, will not forget. Let words, at the very least, be mobilized towards the fulfillment of responsibilities by those who are charged with the protection of the weak and helpless, the temporarily disadvantaged, let them persist in saying to you, all who hold the primary controls of the direction of a continent’s future, that that future will not forget, nor will it forgive. As the armies of the Sudanese state mass for the final onslaught on its long determined design of race extermination, that future will stigmatise you one and all, will brand you collaborators and acccomplices if you abandon the people of Darfur to this awful fate, one that so blindingly scrawls its name across the supplicating sands and hills of Darfur – Genocide!

• This Paper by Prof Wole Soyinka was presented at the 50th Anniversary of the 1st International Conference of Black Writers & Artists -Paris, 19-22nd September 2006. It is reproduced here with the permission of the author.

• Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

I seriously think that all big people like G7, G8, G$ and so on together with the UN and ASEAN, ADB, and World Bank should start thinking about how selfish their motives are. They all know very well the plight of those poor African people, what did they ever do for them? The Middle East is a contrast - see how well their people and future generations are cared for. Even after being occupied, and waging a war, Kuwait returned to look after their people. We all are to blame. Who puts these Governments/Military in place? We humans, we are to blame. It is a wake up call. Sadly.

I enjoyed reading the article entitled by Aaron Tesfaye. God bless the author for such a perceptive, lucid and correct assessment of the situation and how the Governments should respond. But we-the-citizens, how should WE respond? Some of us have come up with a clear answer: several of us have decided to begin a ‘Rescue Darfur’ fast. One of us began 5 days ago, and several others today. See the links below for the details. Nothing less than a worldwide fast until the genocide stops will be enough to stop it. Nothing less will be a sufficient moral response. Nothing less will preserve our humanity, yours and mine. Please consider linking (below) to increase the visibility of this effort. Jay McGinley

http://darfurdyingforheroes.blogspot.com http://darfurdyingforheroes.blogspot.com/2007/09/join-rescue-darfur-fast-till-it-stops.html I will eagerly link to your site.

People like Dr Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem should not be allowed to publish their rants here. Why must any hothead be allowed to just publish his/her rant? Why not create a blog? Pambazuka News (Pambazuka means arise or awaken in Kiswahili) is a tool for progressive social change in Africa. Ranting is NOT progress. Bring a solution to our problems and we will take you seriously.

Editor's reply: Ranting is not progress, true. If we followed your reasoning, we should not really have allowed your rant to be published here. If you disagree with what Tajudeen has to say, then challenge his ideas. Don't ask us to prohibit freedom of expression.

Raw sewage is posing an increasing threat to the coastal waters of many developing nations, according to the UN Environment Programme (UNEP). In a report released last week (4 October), the agency said that as much as 80-90 per cent of sewage entering the sea from such countries is raw and untreated. It warns that this is threatening marine life and livelihoods linked to fisheries and tourism. The report says that governments need to invest an extra US$56 billion each year to address the problem.

'NGOMROM' -
(http://ngomrom.blogspot.com/2006/10/do-not-torpedo-peace-talks-in-juba…) provides his perspective on the Juba peace talks between Sudan, Uganda and the Lords Resistance Army (LRA). NGOMROM seems to be supporting the position of the LRA leader, Joseph Kony. He asks why members of his army are being asked to assemble in two different locations and sees this as a set of “hidden traps and tricks” and a possible hand over of Kony to the ICC (International Criminal Court).

“Why would anybody even consider that the peace talks proceed with ICC threat unresolved? Museveni has to provide conditions to keep the ICC away from Kony and his commanders, otherwise there will be no peace involving those five men. These two issues are mutually exclusive. Without these men, there must be modified peace talks, because the people of Uganda in the affected areas still need peace from the government of Museveni.”

'Sokwanele' - Grandiose Parlor http://grandioseparlor.com/2006/10/tackling-the-culture-of-corruption/ comments on the “culture of corruption” in Nigeria. He does not believe it is possible to wipe away the mindset of corruption from the minds of Nigerians. Nor does he see the EFCC (anti-corruption apparatus set up by the state), as a wholly effective tool. The solution for him lies in the electoral system.

“The next level is through the electoral system. Would the electorate take a clue from the EFCC and do their civic duties? Would the activities of the EFCC, as biased and crude as it is, spur some decent folks to step-up and take control through the ballot system? What steps are community advocacy groups/street associations/social groups taking to ensure that the elections are free and fair in their areas? By the way, there are some innovative steps taken by some to address the issues corruption.”

'White Africa' -

“My country’s leaders need to do something for these people, before these people decide to do something for themselves.”

I think this statement could cut across the whole continent. We await the uprising!

'The Moor Next Door' - The Moor Next Door (http://wahdah.blogspot.com/2006/10/kenyan-muslims-angered-over-us-and.h…) comments on protests by Kenyan Muslims against what he describes as a "US-and Israeli-inspired Anti-Terror Unit”. Muslims in the country are being increasingly targeted by the Anti Terror Unit and the government is:

"...using an unpassed bill to arrest, harass and intimidate members of the Muslim community and those who sympathise with them."

'African Women’s Blog' - African Women's Blog (http://africanwomenblogs.com/2006/10/09/ist-african-womens-carnival-at-…) held its first Carnival of African Women this week. The AWB was created as a “collaborative space for African women online”. The AWB also has an aggregator of blogs by African women and a webring. The focus of the Carnival was “Identity and blogging” and included poems and personal life stories from 11 African women.

“Passion’ is the response that Philomena gives to people who ask her how she manages the wife/mother/blogger balance and tell us how she is able to do this in her post.

“My secrets are in my fingers. My fingers are the expression of my passion. From my kitchen when preparing food for my husband and family, to my three children, when cuddling them with tenderness of infanthood. To my emotions when I had to express it, I prefer, through my fingers than through my voice. Perhaps that is why I am regarded by close friends as being on the quiet side.”

'Egyptian Chronicles' - Egyptian Chronicles (http://egyptianchronicles.blogspot.com/2006/10/pyongyang-response.html)
asks us to forget Iraq, the war on terror, Iran, Castro and everyone else. Why? Because “Pyongyang did it, Pyongyang did it.”

“Pyongyang announced the success of an underground detonation of a nuclear weapon, some say, or most the world say today this nuclear weapon is an atomic bomb, yes and by this N.Korea joins the Nuclear bomb owners and they are if I am mistaken the U.S and Russia for sure, France and England, Pakistan and India, China and our neighbor Israel despite they didn't announce it, yet I got a book saying they got a nuclear bomb since 1960s and their first nuclear weapon was tested in Algeria's.”

Egyptian goes on to add that Pyongyang has lots of other “toys” to play with should the need arise such as “the famous Korean missiles and rockets which Israel always accuse Egypt and Syria of having them and of course Syria doesn't deny and Egypt doesn't even respond.”

So where does all this leave the West and their allies? In an ocean raft without a paddle – in short, in a panic.

'Black Looks' - Black Looks (http://www.blacklooks.org/2006/10/niger_delta_2.html) posts two podcasts of an interview with Nigerian historian Professor Alagoa, on the Niger Delta speaking on the “changes that have taken place in the Niger Delta since the excecution of Ken Saro Wiwa in 1995, the rise of militancy in the region and the governorship of Diepreye Alamieyeseigha - ex Governor of Bayelsa State.”

• Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks, www.blacklooks.org

• Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Vice President Atiku Abubakar is expected to appear today before the Code of Conduct Tribunal to defend charges of abuse of office, embezzlement of public funds and money laundering brought against him by the Federal Government. His invitation by the tribunal is sequel to the report by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), which accused him of conspiring with others to loot the Petroleum Technology Deve-lopment Funds (PTDF).

President Olusegun Obasanjo has called on the international community to consider "as a matter of priority" the "total cancellation" of the debts of African nations "as part of a meaningful effort" towards the continent's development. Addressing members of the international community on the final day of his state visit to Ethiopia in Addis Ababa on October 10, President Obasanjo also called for "genuine cooperation for the return of illegally acquired funds, which are stashed away in foreign banks," as well as the adoption of measures that will prevent the further looting of the resources of African nations.

AS CONGO PREPARES FOR A RUN-off election between incumbent Joseph Kabila and Jean Pierre Bemba, the focus will be on the country's Electoral Commission, which urgently needs to deal with the many organisational weaknesses witnessed during the first round of polling. The first round was, in many ways, a success, with 18 million voting in around 50,000 polling stations.

Violence against women and children by warring groups in Darfur is reaching alarming levels. Extreme violence has been a feature of the civil conflict since it erupted in 2003. However, in the past months, attacks on women and girls, both within and outside camps for the displaced, have soared. The rising rate of violence against women and children is increased by the participation of many different groups in these crimes.

Civil society organisations (CSOs) from 19 African countries met in Banjul, Gambia, 26-28 June 2006 to discuss ways of improving compliance with commitments made under African Union treaties, with particular reference to the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). The workshop, which was a follow-up to a similar meeting held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in January 2006, discussed presentations from organisations that have engaged with the APRM in countries where the process has been undertaken, and from organisations working to monitor compliance with African and other international standards.

Deep in the tunnel of the Collum mine, coal dust swirls thickly, and it's stifling for workers such as Chengo Nguni. He describes his $2-a-day job with a sigh: His supervisor yells incomprehensibly in Chinese. His rubber boots leak. The buttons to control the flow of ore out of the mine often deliver an electric shock. But the worst thing about life in the Chinese-owned mine in southern Zambia is that there is no such thing as a day off. Ever.

Nigeria's Vice-President Atiku Abubakar is to appear before a special court in Abuja to respond to corruption charges. State prosecutors are trying him under Nigeria's code of conduct act. He denies allegations he diverted $125m into personal business interests. He says his trial is part of a plot to prevent him running in the country's presidential elections due next April. Mr Abubakar helped block President Olusegun Obasanjo changing the constitution and seeking a third term.

Raw sewage is posing an increasing threat to the coastal waters of many developing nations, according to the UN Environment Programme (UNEP). In a report released on 4 October, the agency said that as much as 80–90 per cent of sewage entering the sea from such countries is raw and untreated. It warns that this is threatening marine life and livelihoods linked to fisheries and tourism.

Police are ignoring appeals for the release of over 100 people facing charges of riotous behaviour in the wake of Zambia's bitterly contested fourth multiparty elections. "All those we picked up in Lusaka [the capital] have been formally arrested and charged with riotous behaviour, and they have to appear in court to answer charges according to the law -there are no two ways about it," said police spokesman Bonny Kapeso. Supporters of Michael Sata, leader of the opposition Patriotic Front (PF) party, went on the rampage after it became clear on the second day of counting after the poll on 28 September that his bid for the presidency was lost, and President Levy Mwanawasa would secure a second and final five-year term of office.

The United Nations human rights agency urged the Sudanese government on Monday to launch an independent probe into alleged militia attacks in South Darfur, saying the raids may have left hundreds of civilians dead. An estimated 300 to 1,000 armed militia from the Habbania Arab group attacked 45 villages in the Buram locality of South Darfur in late August, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) said in a report.

Two months ago, hospitals in Botswana had to wait four months for the delivery of emergency medicines, but with the help of a UN initiative this has now been slashed to just six days. The Southern African Capacity Initiative (SACI), launched in 2004 to deal with the haemorrhaging of administrative skills in the region as a result of HIV/AIDS and the brain drain, has begun to pay dividends, according to Tore Skatun, a policy advisor with the initiative.

Candidates from the ruling ZANU-PF party romped home with huge margins in by-elections held at the weekend, although accredited election observers voiced concern about the way the poll was conducted. The by-elections in the ZANU-PF bastions of Mashonaland East and Mashonaland Central provinces coincided with celebrations marking the seventh anniversary of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), and were widely seen as an acid test of the opposition's ability to penetrate government-held strongholds.