Cabinet ministers in Kenya will soon sign annual performance contracts as part of civil service reforms. They will be assessed on responses to questions in Parliament, involvement in House business, adherence to budget allocations and general efficiency in service delivery. A draft of the contract, which has been prepared by the Office of the President's Cabinet office, says each minister's performance will be reviewed at the end of every financial year - on June 30.

Africa Action has welcomed the unanimous passage of a United Nations (UN) Security Council resolution requesting more rapid planning for a proposed UN peacekeeping operation in Darfur, Sudan. However, while the resolution recognized the need for greater urgency in the planning process, the Security Council has not yet committed to authorizing such a mission, and must now do so in the coming weeks. As conditions in Darfur continue to deteriorate, Africa Action emphasized the urgent need for a robust international force to be deployed to Darfur to complement and reinforce the African Union (AU) mission on the ground.

Nigeria has just completed it’s latest census which does not include religion or ethnicity. Naijablog (http://naijablog.blogspot.com/2006/03/on-nigerian-languages-ethnicities…) wonders exactly how many languages are spoken in Nigeria as depending on your source, the numbers differ. The number ranges from 250 to 500.

“The World Bank and the UN like to suggest 250 in the documents I've seen, but I heard once that there are something like 200 languages in Niger State alone. According to the Index of Nigerian Languages (Crozier & Blench 1992) there are 500 languages. I've scoured the internet and found very little of substance. There are 478 languages listed here (helpfully categorised into language group) from Abanyom to Zumbun.”

He adds that because the census does not include ethnicity, we will never know how many “living sustaining” ethnic groups there are and which ones if any are endangered.

Thea keeps painting the planet (http://thea.nomadlife.org/2006/03/welcome-to-sudan.html) asks if Sudan is an “African” or an “Arab” state:

“Sudan is both in the Arab League and in the African Union…however it is more Arab than Ethiopia, and more African than Libya…Sudan is on the border line…I don't think I could call it an Arab State, and I however find it hard to call it an African country.”

Not quite sure how Sudan is more Arab than Ethiopia or more African than Libya. Without defining either – which would be a highly complex and extended task – I think this statement is meaningless and does nothing to enhance our understanding of what is either Arab or Africa. Sudan is an African country as is Libya. It falls within the boundary of the continental mass known as Africa consisting of people who are African. Sudan’s membership of the Arab League is based on the Northern Sudanese elite who speak “Arabic” as their first language. The people of Sudan are diverse in terms of their religion, language, identity and ethnicity.

Continuing with Sudan and the Arab League issue - Rantings of a Sandmonkey (http://www.sandmonkey.org/2006/03/27/the-arab-league-useless-wankers) comments on why the summit was held in Khartoum given the atrocities committed in the Darfur region. He also comments on the discussions and Arab League reactions to Hamas and Israel.

“First they all agreed that in order to oppose the western zionist hegemony they will pledge aid to the Hamas Palestinian government with an amount that is 1/3 what that government needs in order to oppose the western Zionist hegemony. What about the other 2/3 you league of Arab nationality heroes? Ehh, don’t ask us. It’s not like we are Arab countries with tons of money or anything.”

With regards to Israel, the Arab League rejected Israel’s decision to unilaterally draw its own borders. He writes that the Arab League rejection is meaningless since they will not or cannot do anything about it so he concludes that the idea of “pan-arabism” is dead.

And while you are at it, shut the Arab League down as well. It’s a waste of time and money, and it does nothing. It’s time to kill it.”

The Moor Next Door (http://wahdah.blogspot.com/2006/03/jews-and-christians-in-algeria.html) discusses the history of religions in Algeria from paganism, to Islam, Judaism and Christianity.

“The original North Africans in ancient times, who were almost entirely Berbers, worshiped a pantheon of gods, which over time became influenced by Greek, Phoenician/Carthaginian, Egyptian, Latin and other traditions. All other religions in Algeria came entirely from elsewhere, the main imports being Judaism (which came after the Jews had been expelled from Judea and were dispersed into various areas of the Roman Empire following the Jewish-Roman Wars), Christianity (that came by way of Roman missionaries and settlers), and of course Islam (which came by way of the Arab invasion and the missionaries that followed.”

Jangbalajugbu Homeland Stories (http://www.edwardpopoola.com/blog/?p=63) discusses the role of information technology in the future of Africa.

“Getting technology into the continent means giving Africans a taste of affordable and fast internet access, affordable computer systems (more than the $100 laptop), more telecommunications infrastructures and a fair share of appropriate news coverage by the world media…These will bring a remarkable growth in development. While an affordable internet would increase African content on the internet, availability of computers will facilitate the development of the young African, marginalized right now because of his inability to afford a PC, telecommunication infrastructures will attract more investors to the continent.”

Black Looks (http://okrasoup.typepad.com/black_looks/2006/03/_it_is_that_tim.html) posts a roundup of blogs by African women over the past week. Topics range from the trial of Jacob Zuma and the daily pro-Zuma demonstrations by women against the complainant; how American women can learn from African women; and poems on homesickness in the Diaspora.

* Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks,

* Please send comments to [email protected]

Anti-corruption treaties are the key to getting back monies stolen from African countries, such as an estimated $10 billion embezzled by former presidents Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire and Sanni Abacha in Nigeria, according to a high-level West Africa Regional workshop organised by Transparency International (TI), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the South African Institute for Security Studies (ISS).

A Dutch firm has filed a Sh2.7 billion claim against the Kenyan government over a contentious defence contract. At issue is a Sh3.2 billion military command facility in Nairobi, constructed and equipped over two years by Nedermar Technology BV of Netherlands. The facility was among 18 projects that were questioned by the Controller and Auditor-General. Former Ethics and Governance Permanent Secretary John Githongo ordered payments for some of them stopped.

Homophobia recently topped the news agenda when Cameroonian newspapers published a list of prominent people and accused them of homosexuality, sparking debate across Africa. Many African leaders are on record for their condemnation of homosexuality, but Jacob Rukweza, an activist with Zimbabwe’s Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ) argues that politicians must make space for homosexuals within the law. To not do so denies a fundamental aspect of their society and reflects poorly on their ability to lead as representatives of their nations.

Among the many myths created about Africa, the belief that homosexuality is absent in Africa or incidental is one of the oldest and most enduring. African leaders, historians, anthropologists, clergyman, authors, and contemporary Africans alike have denied or overlooked the existence of homosexuality or same-sex relationships and persistently claimed that such patterns were introduced by Europeans.

Southern African leaders have been accused of blaming the alien culture of homosexuality for their countries problems. In February 1999, on the sidelines of the World Council of Churches 8th Assembly, Keith Goddard, Director of Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ) which has a membership of nearly 500, most of whom are black Zimbabweans – told a press conference in Harare that Zimbabwe was “one of the most vocally homophobic countries in the world. President Robert Mugabe is world famous for his verbal gay bashing.”

President Mugabe hit the headlines in 1995 when he denounced gays and lesbians as “sexual perverts” who are “lower than dogs and pigs”. Rejecting calls for gay human rights, Mugabe said, “we don’t believe they have rights at all”. Mugabe charged that homosexuality was unnatural and unAfrican, saying that it was an alien culture only practised by a “few whites” in his country. He repeated similar sentiments on the 25th of February this year whilst addressing supporters in Mutare, to the east of the country, during official celebrations of his 82nd birthday.

Mugabe’s attitude and mentality towards homosexuality represents a dominant perception among African leaders. In January 2003, Yoweri Museveni, President of Uganda, was quoted by The New Vision, calling on the Ugandan police to arrest all homosexuals or anyone indulging in unnatural sexual practices. He also denounced homosexuality as unAfrican. Sam Nujoma, while still President of Namibia in 2003, also told a press conference of international journalists that homosexuality was a “borrowed sub culture, alien to Africa and Africans”.

Whilst some leaders in West Africa have not been vocal about gay rights, their attitudes are represented eloquently by the anti-gay laws informing the judicial systems of their countries. Under Sharia law in Nigeria and most of North Africa, homosexuality is a criminal offence punishable by hanging. Laws across Africa do not recognise homosexuality as a way of life: it is generally perceived as unnatural and therefore criminal. Those who practise homosexuality are automatically turned into lawbreakers, social rejects and threats to society. It is impossible to separate the laws from the political leadership which sponsors such law.

But research and reports by progressive contemporary historians, anthropologists and sexologists around the issues surrounding sexuality and gender in traditional African societies tell a different story. Stephen Murray and Will Roscoe’s book Boy Wives and Female Husbands (1998) explores African homosexuality and documents same-sex relationships in some fifty societies in every region of the continent. Essays by scholars from a variety of disciplines explore institutionalized marriages between women, same-sex relations between men and boys in colonial work settings, mixed gender roles in East and West Africa. The book covers recent developments in South Africa, where gays and lesbians successfully made that nation the first in the world to constitutionally ban discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and assists in revealing the denials of African homosexuality for what they are – prejudice and wilful ignorance.

Obviously homosexuality can hardly be referred to as a new phenomenon in African society. It is not. Cursory interviews of homosexuals have proved that to a great extent their behaviour is neither borrowed nor influenced by foreign culture.

Jasper, a 23-year-old Zimbabwean who works as a hairdresser in Harare, discovered his homosexuality at the age of 12 while still in school in rural Wedza, where he grew up with his parents. He says he considers himself a woman trapped in a man’s body, something he did not choose for himself. He says his behaviour is not influenced by any western culture since he discovered his sexuality at a very tender age, in a rural setting, well before interacting with anything he could call western.

Paul, 33, who works in Bulawayo as a teacher, says he has married twice and has a six-year-old daughter. Each of his wives left after finding out that their marriage was just a front. Paul says he was forced to marry by his parents. He goes to church every Sunday “to pray for his sin” but is unable to abandon his lifestyle. Paul says he was “born gay” and feels “insulted by people who think this is a prank”.

Sarah, 28, a journalist by profession, says she is a lesbian and there is little she can do to change that. She says she is not attracted to men and will not get married to a man because she has always been attracted to other women. She says she has a female partner and the two are in love, although both their parents are encouraging them to settle down with male partners. She says she discovered her sexuality ten years ago when she was in college. “At first I was confused. I didn’t understand what it was. I tried to date boys but it didn’t work out. I just couldn’t stand it.” Sarah says her behaviour and feelings come naturally to her.

What African societies have done with some degree of success, however, is to make sure that homosexuality as an aspect of life or topic of family discourse remains firmly taboo.

For a typical African family unit, gays, lesbians and bisexuals do not exist. Even in a family where a member is clearly gay, parents and other family members generally never attempt to consider or accept this reality. At best, families that have noticed homosexual tendencies in one of their own have either panicked or berated such behaviour as mischief while dismissing it as inconsequential.

Open and meaningful family engagement on such issues of sexuality is virtually non-existent and discourse is usually limited to admonitions and reprimands. Small wonder then why vernacular languages have extremely limited vocabulary when it comes to the subject of homosexuality.

For various reasons, a siege mentality was deliberately grafted onto the psychology of the African family system over a period of time. This mentality has persistently and consistently refused to open up to the glaring realities of divergent sexualities and natural but differing sexual preferences inherent in human beings.

Unfortunately this mentality ¬– domineering and stubborn – informs even the highest structures of governance in Africa and shapes government policies, legislation and national character. As a result, because this point of view does not recognise homosexuality as a way of life, government policies and laws accordingly refuse to acknowledge homosexuality as a way of life. This is why in most of Africa, excluding South Africa and in some of the countries that were not colonised by the British, homosexuality is classified under various forms of legislation as a criminal and punishable offence.

The 'ostrich mentality' as adopted by many African governments has clearly failed to take nations into the future, which is where everyone belongs. The tendency of dipping your head in the sand when faced with complex problems is both naïve and retrogressive. When you decide finally to pull your head out of the sand, the problem will still be there – perhaps now more complex but still looking you in the face.

Moreover, laws that fail to acknowledge the realities of the constituency they purport to serve reflect badly on those whose responsibility it is to legislate and execute good law. It is a major weakness on the part of society when its laws ignore fundamental aspects of the lives of its people on the basis of perceived complexities of such aspects. The law in its stride should, at any given time, be able to deal conclusively with all aspects of its constituency. Failure to live up to this expectation can only mean that those tasked with making laws on behalf of society are incompetent and incapable of reading or interpreting society's fundamentals.

What must be clear here is that, when the law fails to acknowledge the realities of a society it is supposed to serve, the law in question is bad and must be corrected. Parliaments the world over are sponsored to make and amend laws. Parliamentarians are elected to make laws that serve the interests of all society and to amend laws that infringe on the rights and interests of any member of society. There is no better way for African MPs to earn their allowances than to represent the people's interests in parliament and make laws that, in the first instance, recognise the existence of all people.

Laws, anywhere in the world, are made to serve and protect society and its people, and not the other way round. And in serving or protecting people, the law is expected to be fair and just in the eyes of all people. In other words, the law is expected to be fair and just in the eyes of men, women, children, teachers, lawyers, doctors, gays, lesbians, bisexuals, Catholics, Anglicans, Methodists, blacks, and whites alike – indeed all people.

The fact that laws in Africa do not recognise the existence of homosexuality as a way of life will not make gays and lesbians disappear from among us. Their existence is as real as the colour of our skin. It will be impossible to ignore the existence of homosexuals in our midst without attempting to ignore the very existence of humanity.

However, deliberate calls by African leaders to have homosexuals in their countries arrested is a tacit, albeit unintended, acknowledgement that homosexuals exist in Africa. We are indeed witnessing a paradigm shift by African leaders: a reluctant transition from denial to acknowledgement. The Nigerian Bill to ‘Make Provisions for the Prohibition of Relationships Between Persons of the Same Sex, Celebration of Marriage by Them, and for Other Matters Connected Therewith’ is obviously reactionary and draconian but it does presume the existence of homosexuals in society. And even Mugabe in his recent speech in Mutare finally, though reservedly, admitted to the existence of black homosexuals in Zimbabwe although he said, in Shona: “they are few”. We can only hope that such acknowledgements may, in time, translate into the tolerance and appreciation of natural sexual and gender differences.

* Jacob Rukweza is an activist who has written this article on behalf of GALZ – Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe, an organisation founded in 1989 to facilitate communication within the gay community.

* Please send comments to

FEATURED: March 22 was World Water Day. Patrick Bond discusses the “water wars”
COMMENT AND ANALYSIS:
- A new advocacy campaign aims to end torture in Northern Uganda. Pambazuka News speaks to the organizers
- Jacob Rukweza critiques claims that homosexuality is “unAfrican”
- Russia has seen an increase in racial attacks. Nassor Said Ali of the St. Petersburg African Union explains the issues
LETTERS: Is the new rights council old wine in new bottles?
PAN-AFRICAN POSTCARD: Three years after the invasion of Iraq, Tajudeen Abdul Raheem takes Bush and Blair to task
BLOGGING AFRICA: Regular blog columnist Sokari Ekine wraps up the blogosphere this week
BOOKS AND ART:
- Kenyan graffiti artist Phiks on Lines of Attitude, a new exhibition
- Review of “A Handbook for Bloggers and Cyber-Dissidents”
CONFLICT AND EMERGENCIES: News from Somalia, Senegal, Uganda, Darfur
HUMAN RIGHTS: Speedy ICC trial for DRC prisoner
WOMEN AND GENDER: Good governance and women’s participation in West Africa
REFUGEES AND FORCED MIGRATION: Global internal displacement crisis alarming, says new report
ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: DRC poll poses challenge/Gabon opposition leader in hiding/Kenyan battle lines drawn as parliament heads for re-opening
DEVELOPMENT: Trade rules a stumbling block to MDGs
CORRUPTION: Githongo says Anglo-Leasing scandal has 70 percent to go
HEALTH AND HIV/AIDS: News from Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan, Tanzania, Zimbabwe
EDUCATION: Donors must end neglect of African universities
RACISM AND XENOPHOBIA: International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
ENVIRONMENT: Move to save anti-prostate cancer tree in Kenya
MEDIA AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION: Tunisian human rights defender on hunger strike
INTERNET AND TECHNOLOGY: Digital revolution on streets of Nigeria
PLUS: Fundraising and Useful Resources; Courses, seminars and workshops; Jobs.

* French speaking? French friends?

Read the Pambazuka News French edition by visiting Subscribe online at http://www.pambazuka.org/fr/subscribe.php or send an email to [email][email protected] with 'subscribe French edition' in the subject line. Please forward widely!

* Can trade in the era of globalisation be 'just'? Read our issue on the subject (http://www.pambazuka.org/en/issue/240) and send your feedback to [email protected]

Two million civilians have been driven from their homes by 20 years of armed conflict between the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) and the Ugandan government in Northern Uganda. Human Rights Focus (HURIFO) and WITNESS have co-produced "Between Two Fires: Torture and Displacement in Northern Uganda" to address the issue of torture committed against the IDP communities of Northern Uganda. The video advocates for official acknowledgement of these abuses, redress for torture victims, and strengthened national mechanisms against the use of torture. In this interview with Pambazuka News, James Otto, director of Human Rights Focus (HURIFO) and Hakima Abbas, Program Coordinator for Africa and Middle East, answer questions about the video and the situation in Northern Uganda. The video is part of a wider advocacy project. Anyone interested in participating can sign a Witness Rights Alert by visiting

Pambazuka News: What is the goal of HURIFO and WITNESS in producing "Between Two Fires: Torture and Displacement in Northern Uganda"? How can the film contribute to strengthening human rights mechanisms?

Human Rights Focus (HURIFO) and WITNESS produced "Between Two Fires" to tell the, as yet untold, story of torture survivors in Northern Uganda. The goals of the film are to engage the government of Uganda and the international community to create change for the displaced communities of the North. The video advocates for official acknowledgement of these abuses, redress for victims of torture and the strengthening of national mechanisms to end the use of torture. The film can contribute to ending these abuses by telling the personal stories of survivors and bringing their voices to the attention of decision makers globally.

All the footage was filmed by human rights defenders from HURIFO who were trained in the use of video advocacy and technical aspects of filmmaking by WITNESS. The video was launched at an event on March 8th – International Women's Day – at United Nations headquarters. The event was attended by civil society organizations and international decision makers, including representation by the Ugandan mission to the United Nations. In addition, to reaching such audiences, it is hoped that the video will also create change by galvanizing debate and mobilizing global communities to take concrete action on the issue. Notably, citizens from around the world can take action through the on-line call to action, Rights Alert, featured at www.witness.org We urge all Pambazuka News readers to Act Now to end these abuses.

Pambazuka News: What are the voices featured in the film - the survivors of these rights abuses - saying?

The survivors of torture are sharing their experiences of torture and other ill treatment. They share their sense of being trapped between the abuses committed by the rebels, their "children in the bush", and the army that has been deployed ostensibly for their protection. A common thread of abuse throughout "Between Two Fires" is the use of sexual violence perpetrated upon men and women alike. The survivors themselves appeal to the national government to create mechanisms for accountability for victims so as to end the impunity which reigns in the Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps. These survivors have found the fortitude to empower themselves; seeking redress within the system and calling on other victims to also speak out about abuses.

Pambazuka News: The film seeks to address national mechanisms against human rights abuses. Which mechanisms are not in place that should be?

Within Ugandan national statutes, torture is not defined or criminalized. This must be a priority moving forward. In addition, access to justice and redress is practically non-existent for IDPs in Northern Uganda. There is currently no presiding high court judge in the region. While the National Human Rights Commission has the potential of being a powerful entity for the promotion and protection of human rights in Uganda, it does not have the human or financial resources to deal with the number of cases in the North. Currently the Commission faces a backlog of some 2-3 years of cases. So, what we are seeking is that the government and the international community prioritize the rebuilding of national justice mechanisms in Northern Uganda and strengthen national legislation to end the use of torture throughout the country.

Pambazuka News: What are the survivors of this conflict calling for in terms of redress?

The survivors are calling for some form of reparation, in the form of compensation but also in the form of official acknowledgment of these abuses. After twenty years of conflict, having been removed from their land and being the victims of human rights violations, the displaced communities find themselves longing for peace and to return to their homes. Immediately after the recent presidential elections that re-instated President Museveni to power, the Ugandan government announced that the IDP community will be resettled within the current year. This brings a sense of relief to the community. But obviously, this is not where the story will end. Once the communities are resettled and given the socio-economic tools to rebuild their lives, they will also have to deal with the psychological trauma of their experiences. Compensation and acknowledgement leading to prosecution of perpetrators will restore some of the trust between the community and the government.

Pambazuka News: What are the implications of the official acknowledgement of this abuse?

The government and military have pursued a policy of denial of abuses. This denial has eroded the trust between the community and the government, as was apparent in the 'protest vote' results of February 23. Yet, official acknowledgement is a form of redress, a small step toward restoring dignity and a sense of empowerment for survivors of abuses. We witnessed in Rwanda the power of this acknowledgment, and of apology, in the post-genocide reconciliation effort. In Uganda, with acknowledgement we hope action will also come. As the government ends the silence around these abuses, they will be compelled to act to strengthen national mechanisms to end these abuses, thus preventing future violations.

Pambazuka News: The International Criminal Court has recently set out a warrant for the arrest of top leaders of the LRA . What are the implications of this?

In the wake of issuance of arrest warrants for top LRA leaders, the violence against civilians increased. Notably, the LRA targeted foreigners present in the North which resulted in the withdrawal of certain humanitarian agencies from the region. Obviously this has devastating effects on a population that is reliant on aid. Many thus implore the timing of the ICC arrest warrants, while acknowledging the importance of the Court in the global context. What we are seeking in the advocacy around "Between Two Fires" is in conformity with the complementarity principle of the ICC. So that, while the ICC will investigate and prosecute perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity at the highest level, we are seeking the strengthening of national mechanisms to tackle the abuses in Northern Uganda. Indeed, we believe that the ICC will not be successful in restoring a sense of justice and reconciliation in Northern Uganda unless there is also a parallel strengthening of national mechanisms to end the abuses committed against IDPs.

Pambazuka News: The rights abuses in Northern Uganda are atrocious. Over a million and a half people are displaced and living in camps where the UPDF are in fact raping and killing these IDPs. Over thirty thousand children are at risk of being kidnapped by the LRA for recruitment as soldiers, and are thus commuting nightly to safe haven, where they face less risk of being kidnapped. What is being done to protect the citizens of Northern Uganda, and who is responsible for their safety?

As in any State, the government is and should be, responsible for ensuring the safety of civilians. In this instance, the government has pursued a military tactic to end the rebellion by the Lord's Resistance Army, yet has not succeeded in ensuring the safety of the nearly two million Internally Displaced Persons in the North. The Acholi population was moved into camps ostensibly to ensure their protection from LRA attack. Yet, the camps themselves became easy target for attack by the LRA – attacks that include widespread rape, murder, maiming and the abduction of some forty thousand children forcibly recruited into LRA ranks. In addition to the war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the LRA, the civilian population has been subjected to violations of human rights committed by the UPDF themselves. Protection remains an important issue that needs to be addressed in the North.

Pambazuka News: Uganda recently saw the re-election of President Yoweri Museveni after he changed the constitution to allow a third presidential term. What do these elections mean for the conflict in Northern Uganda? Is the government of Museveni part and parcel of the problem? What needs to happen in order for this situation to change, at a governmental level?

The outcome of the recently concluded Presidential and Parliamentary elections sent a strong message to which the President must respond positively. North and North East of the River Nile, nearly all opposition politicians were voted in as members of parliament to the 8th Parliament and President Museveni was given only 13% of the votes in his seemingly limitless term as the country's President. The protest vote, which was premised on the plight of the IDP's quest for peace and a return to their homes, has had a politically devastating effect. To provide hope and perhaps the first step in the march towards nation building, President Museveni needs to abandon the winner takes all practice characteristic of these elections.

Beyond the elections, the situation in the North persists and must be addressed by both the Ugandan government and the international community. In our advocacy around "Between Two Fires" we urge specific changes in policy and practice at the national level and in the international arena where we feel there is some leverage on the human rights landscape of Uganda. The personal stories of survivors of torture will be disseminated widely and heard for the first time directly from the source through this film. We hope that this voice will catalyze the international community and the government to make the necessary changes, which are small steps foward to the peace and respect for human rights so yearned for in the North.

* HURIFO's website is www.humanrightsuganda.org Copies of "Between Two Fires" can be ordered from [email][email protected]

* Please send comments to [email protected]

Zambia's coffers are $150 million richer after having its debts slashed by G8 countries last year, but despite calls for the opening of the spending taps, the government has adopted a prudent approach to poverty alleviation. According to finance minister Ngandu Magande, about 95 percent of the US $7 billion external debt will disappear by the end of 2006, following Zambia's selection as one of 19 countries to qualify for debt cancellation from the G8 group of rich nations.

Ndiva Kofele-Kale, Professor of Public International Law at Southern Methodist University in Dallas, Texas, is a leading scholar on the impact of corruption in developing countries. He is also at the forefront of the growing movement to make corruption a human rights violation punishable under international law. In this interview from The Post Online (Cameroon), Professor Kofele-Kale talks about the anti-corruption drive in Cameroon, and the need to establish international mechanisms for dealing with corruption by high-ranking government officials.

Diary of a Mad Kenyan Woman (http://madkenyanwoman.blogspot.com/2006/03/outing-heterosexuality.html) writes an essay entitled “Outing Heterosexuality” in which she discusses the inability of Africans to deal with any discussion on sexuality that is not limited to:

"…the missionary position sex-is-for-the-purpose-of-reproduction-only-and-any-other-type-of-sexual-activity-will-send-you-into-the-inferno heterosexuality. Did you get that? Homosexual, bisexual, transsexual, gay, queer, lesbian, transgender, cross-dresser and so on and as Judith Butler says, on and on have, exactly the same standing (I think there's a horribly dirth pun in there somewhere) as heterosexuality does."

She concludes that the reality is that your sisters, brothers, friends, colleagues, cousins, nephews, nieces, even your parents are all:

“…trapped in a prison more violent and restrictive than any physical restraint.”

Gukira (http://gukira.blogspot.com/2006/03/homosexuality-is-un-african.html) responds with a brilliant essay on “Homosexuality is Un-African” in which he:

“…argue(s) that histories of the term homosexuality and its cultural contexts cannot account for African conceptions of sexuality. I then examine the possible effects of legislating gender and sexual diversity by analyzing a section from Nigeria’s recent draft bill against homosexuality. Finally, I argue for an approach to sexual rights embedded in concepts of African diversity and hospitality.”

In the end we all loose from bigotry and gender stereotyping. As Gukira writes:

“Women heckle men, asking them to prove their masculinity. Men police men. Women police women. We police each other. We create gender prisons that demand narrow and stereotypical performances of gender.

Africans continue to threaten those who speak out against homophobia and defend the rights of homosexuals as the human rights that belong to us all. We seek liberty but demand prison for those who are different!”

The Voice of Somaliland Diaspora (http://waridaad.blogspot.com/2006/03/ikran-haji-daud-symbol-of-hope-for…) comments on the visit to the US of the Honourable Ikran Haji Daud Warsame, the first elected woman MP in Somaliland. He writes:

“In a society dominated by male chauvinism, it is a rarity to mention women who made history in our society, except a few. However, women, NOT MEN, have always remained the source of inspiration, hope, strength, courage and resilience for most Somalis, both men and women, for generations.”

He honours Ms Warsame and hopes that her presence will spell a new hope for Somali women.

Lagos based Nigerian blogger Ore’s Notes (http://orenotes.blogspot.com/2006/03/vagina-monologuesi-saw-this-last.h…) posts on her visit to the Vagina Monologues and reports that the venue was packed out despite the early 6pm start.

“The vagina celebration ended with an exquisitely eloquent exhortation by Joke Silva to reclaim the dreaded c-word - cunt. As beautiful as she made it sound, I still hate the word! I shudder to type it. And reading it (especially on my blog) is even worse! And that’s because I cannot get away from the venom and hate behind the word when it’s hurled at women as the worst possible kind of insult. The argument that words (or people, for that matter) only have power over you when you permit them to, and that by 'reclaiming' the word you take away the sting, is a common one.”

Ore does not agree – “…a word that is borne out of such hatred and violence against women is not one I wish to reclaim or share.”

Kenyan Poet and blogger, Mshairi (http://www.mshairi.com/blog/2006/03/19/home-again) writes a beautiful poem which expresses her homesickness.

dreaming swift and magnificent
stand be still at the centre my heart
desires to ask the age-old keepers of the cosmic forests how long
the trees have been weeping tire not little
bird soon you will rest listen to the mighty
oceans sing this land of diamonds is yours mine ours
this land of gold is yours mine ours
this land of silver is yours mine ours I am the potent splendour of a rock clinging to the earth this is my world welcome
to my world

Freedom for Egyptians (http://freedomforegyptians.blogspot.com/2006/03/al-azhar-objects-movie-…) comments on the recent visit of Prince Charles to Egypt, which coincides with the objection of the clerics of Al Azhar who want to ban an Egyptian film on Jesus.

According to the Middle East Online: A film due to be shot in Egypt on the life of Jesus Christ has stirred protests from the highest authority in Sunni Islam, the Al-Azhar institution in Cairo.

The Moor Next Door (http://wahdah.blogspot.com/2006/03/reflection-on-camus-albert-lalgrien…) reflects on the role of Albert Camus in Algeria's war of independence. He concludes that Edward Said was right in saying Camus was against independence. But he wonders whether that makes Camus an "imperialist tool”.

“Algeria was his home and he was just as attached to it as any Muslim Algerian was and had his own views of it and how it should have been handled.”

* Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks,

* Please send comments to [email protected]

We write as an international development NGO with a long history of commitment to working in Southern Africa. Our work to overcome poverty and injustice necessarily leads to an involvement with many civil society organisations in the region, including in Zimbabwe. As a northern partner to these organisations, we are keen to give voice to their demands and needs.

We have chosen this day to write to you as March 21st is Human Rights Day in South Africa. We urge you to consider the sufferings of ordinary Zimbabweans who are now being subjected to violent and repressive human rights abuses by their government.

Zimbabwe today is a divided country, characterised by police brutality, political repression and a ruling elite which systematically denies the basic rights of the majority of citizens. In spite of this, South Africa’s government has repeatedly voiced its support for the ZANU-PF government. The solidarity shown by the government with other African nations is admirable; but our partners consider that in the case of Zimbabwe it is misplaced. True solidarity should be with the oppressed citizens of Zimbabwe, and not with their undemocratic government.

* Please click on the link for the full letter.

On the 15th of March 2006, the UN General Assembly voted overwhelmingly, 170 for and 4 against, to replace the discredited Human Rights Commission (the commission) with the Human Rights Council (the council).

Is the present initiative really nouvelle in its approach to human rights?

The more things change the more they remain the same. It seems to me, the council has changed much in terms of the form and procedure of the UN approach to human rights. In doing this, the council is dealing with the disease of the ineffectiveness of the commission and not the structural problem that led to its demise, the democratic deficit at international organisations.

The old Commission’s system of independent “special rapporteurs”, special procedures and access for human rights NGOs will be retained. However, the special procedures will be subject to review within one year, so member states must be vigilant to ensure they are maintained. But is this good enough to ensure that intervention in human rights cases is not grounded in political and geostrategic reasons?

The present initiative is no doubt innovative and a reflection of efforts to remedy the dire human rights situation around the world. But in so-far-as its approach is still statist in nature, realism will always override international obligation. Approaches to human rights abuses should be engendered in a holistic manner, encompassing issues around government legitimacy, representation and accountability, not leaving out poverty. Against this backdrop, civil society seems the best available route to bridge the gap between rhetoric and practice.

The streets of Nigeria's main cities are quiet, as people have been told to stay at home and wait to be counted in the first census for 15 years. The headcount is sensitive, as funding and political representation depend on the results but questions of religion and ethnicity have been left out. There is frustration in many places that the process has started slowly. Nigeria's president has stressed that the five-day census is not political and urged people to remain calm. Nigeria is Africa's most populous country but estimates of its population range from 120 to 150 million.

Gabon's main opposition leader says he has gone into hiding after government forces raided his party's headquarters. Pierre Mamboundou told the BBC that he was not about to leave the country, but said he was also considering seeking political asylum. He finished second in last November's presidential election, which he claimed was fraudulent. President Omar Bongo, Africa's longest-serving head of state, won with 79.2% of the vote. Mr Mamboundou told the BBC's French service that police had seized documents and computers during the raid on the headquarters of his Gabonese People's Union (UPG) early on Tuesday (March 21) morning.

UN head Kofi Annan has said the Democratic Republic of Congo elections in June will pose "major logistical challenges, if not nightmares". He is visiting DR Congo, where the UN has its largest peacekeeping mission, ahead of the country's first free elections in 45 years. He also welcomed a planned deployment of European Union troops to act as a rapid reaction force during the polls. The polls are to end a power-sharing period after a five-year civil war.

Humans have provoked the worst spate of extinctions since the dinosaurs were wiped out 65m years ago, according to a UN report that calls for unprecedented worldwide efforts to address the slide. The report paints a grim picture of life on earth, with declining numbers of plants, animals, insects and birds across the globe, and warns that the current extinction rate is up to 1,000 times faster than in the past. Some 844 animals and plants are known to have disappeared in the last 500 years.

In 2005 economist Jeffrey Sachs presented an action plan to meet the UN's poverty-slashing Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015, which included practical and affordable interventions such as bed-nets to fight malaria, vaccinations to combat infectious diseases, the provision of anti-AIDS drugs, fertilisers to improve crop yields and drilling wells to provide safe drinking water. Sachs, who heads the UN Millennium Project and the Earth Institute, has been criticised for suggesting strategies that have been implemented before and failed. In a wide-ranging interview with IRIN, Sachs defended his plan and provided some details on how the project is going to help poor countries help themselves.

A community revolving fund in Kitale, Kenya, that has assisted hundreds of poor families with money to put up better sanitation, is among unique initiatives in East Africa hailed in a new United Nations global report. Established by an NGO called Practical Action (formerly ITDG) and managed by the Catholic Diocese of Kitale, the fund operates in the Tuwani and Shimo la Tewa slums of the town. It offers loans of between Ksh27,000 ($342) and Ksh60,000 ($759) to plot owners, who repay at an annual rate of 12 per cent. This has benefited more than 230 families.

The registration of a new party by politicians close to President Mwai Kibaki has sent a strong signal that he is keen to vie for a second term. However, the setting up of the National Rainbow Coalition-Kenya (Narc-Kenya) has sent mixed signals to coalition partners, Ford-Kenya and National party of Kenya (NPK), leaving them in a state of political limbo, as they were reportedly not consulted when the plan was mooted. It also casts doubt about a pre-election unwritten agreement within the national Alliance Party of Kenya (NAK), in which Kibaki was to go for a single term and leave the presidential ticket to Ford-Kenya come 2007.