Zimbabwe: State of the Media Report 2003

State of the Media Report 2003

In the Report

Introduction

Media environment

Print Media

Broadcasting

Attacks on MISA

Telecommunications

Media Violations statistics

Introduction

The State of the Media Report is an assessment of the media environment carried by the Media Institute of Southern Africa-Zimbabwe Chapter (MISA-Zimbabwe). The report looks at the operational environment of media practitioners and media organisations. Particular attention is paid to media and freedom of expression violations as these demonstrate the extent to which the media is free or otherwise in a given state.

The violations have a bearing on the quality of news and information that reaches the readership and/or listernership. In the case of Zimbabwe government officials have instigated most of the arrests made on journalists. On the other hand no conclusive investigations have been carried out on bombings of media houses that took place since 2000. The repressive media environment currently prevailing in Zimbabwe reflects on government’s attitude and policy towards the media, a negative attitude that has been buttressed by the promulgation of repressive laws such as the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) and the Broadcasting Services Act (BSA). As the distinction between telecommunications and the traditional media become increasingly blurred the report also assesses the state of development in the telecommunications sector. This sector has a bearing on media and freedom of expression in as far as it relates to the use of the Internet, e-mail, and text messages through mobile phone networks.

Since 2000, when Zimbabwe took a plunge both economically and politically, freedom of expression has become a victim as the government intensifies efforts to control and influence the flow of information. The failure of opposition parties to contests elections as a result of violence, beatings and threats meant that free expression and the right to elect political representatives of one’s choice has been taken away. The Rural/Urban and parliamentary by elections held in mid 2003 demonstrated this point. Under the circumstances the media finds itself in a difficult situation were journalists cannot visit certain areas and have also become victims of the political violence, threats and intimidation from political players, security agents and government officials.

Media environment

The closure of The Daily News on 12 September 2003 marks a serious setback for the struggle for media and freedom of expression rights in Zimbabwe. The move by the authorities is unprecedented in Zimbabwe’s 23 years of independence.

Although there seemed to have been a decline in the harassment of media workers in the first half of 2003 all this was reversed by the events of 12 September. Sixteen journalist and five executives of the Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe were arrested and charged under the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) for allegedly practising and operating a media house without accreditation and a license respectively. There has also been an upsurge in the arrests of demonstrators and media workers covering protests marches and/or political gatherings. The police have put a blanket ban on demonstrations or any public gatherings, which they perceive to be “political”.

Positively, the scrapping of Section 80 of AIPPA played a significant role in removing the shackles journalists and media houses have been placed in since March 2002 when the law became operational. Section 80 placed criminal liability on what AIPPA called the “publishing of falsehoods” . Notwithstanding this development, authorities have turned to such laws as the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) to arrests journalists and other media workers. Like in the past many of the cases have not been concluded and many charges remain hanging till today. Concerns still remain over the delays in the passing of judgments on landmark cases such as the challenge of an array of Sections of AIPPA by journalists.

The media environment in Zimbabwe remains tense as before and remains polarized. With just under 18 months left before Zimbabwe faces another general election, fears are that events of 2000 and 2002 when media houses were bombed and journalists arrested in droves are likely to resurface. This is so because the government has not taken any steps to improve the working environment of journalists and media houses and has infact intensified its vitriol against the private media. A senior official in the department of Information and Publicity called the destruction of private papers by ruling party ZANU PF supporters, in June 2003 “rejection by readers”. MISA-Zimbabwe however notes that such incidences are outright criminal acts. In a few incidences, law enforcement agencies and other state security arms have demonstrated that given the necessary environment, support and room they have the capacity to put to an end the wanton destruction of private newspapers and general lawlessness that prevails. This was demonstrated, in June 2003 when the police and soldiers stationed in a Harare’s dormitory town of Norton during an opposition stay away arrested suspected ZANU PF youths who had confiscated copies of The Daily News and about to burn them.

v Print Media

The media environment remains tense with verbal attacks and legal suits being piled on private owned papers like The Daily News, The Standard and The Zimbabwe Independent . As mentioned earlier the closure of The Daily News and The Daily News on Sunday is the most serious attack on media and freedom of expression rights in Zimbabwe experienced so far.

Attacks of individuals/readers caught with copies of privately owned papers also increased especially at times when political tensions were high . Amendments to the media law, AIPPA, do not democratize the law and on the contrary made new insertions that strengthen the powers of an appointed Media and Information Commission while extending the definition a “media house” and “journalist” . The imploding Zimbabwe economy has added another dimension to the problems being faced by the media in Zimbabwe. The print media has particularly been affected by the rising prices of newsprint resulting in reduced print run. Only one company in Zimbabwe supplies newsprint. Many small towns and outlining areas are no longer receiving adequate supplies of newspapers.

The polarization that has characterized the print media since 2000 still exists with the private and public media reporting issues differently and from predetermined positions.
The newspaper stable in which the state has a major equity, the Zimbabwe Newspapers Company (ZIMPAPERS) remains under the tight grip of the Department of Information and Publicity in the Presidents Office. A lot of unethical and biased reporting still constitutes the bulk of public media news. The state media especially dailies, The Herald and The Chronicle are dominating in the absence of the Daily News and its sister Sunday paper. Reports by the Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe show that the state media is seriously misrepresenting news in Zimbabwe and in cases out rightly lying .

The Southern Africa Printing and Publishing House (SAPPHO) launched its Daily paper The Daily Mirror in December after shutting it down mid 2003. The paper is the only privately owned daily in the streets.

Legal wrangles over the closure of The Daily News and The Daily News on Sunday continue with the Supreme Court expected to hear the matter in 2004. The state argues that the paper is in breach of the law and deliberately published even after being ordered to shut down. Despite court rulings by the Administrative court compelling the Media and Information Commission to license the papers, the commission and the Department of Information have appealed against all such rulings. Chances of the paper coming back soon appear remote as a result of the litigation web now surrounding this matter.

As shown by the media violations statistics in this report, journalists in the private media continue to face arrests, threats and intimidation in the course of duty. Despite the official accreditation that many have, the police and other state security agents refuse to recognize these cards or offer assistance to journalists. Infact journalists have been arrested, beaten and had their equipment confiscated despite producing the cards. Those without the cards have been arrested for practising as journalists without official accreditation.

v Broadcasting

The broadcasting arena is still dominated by the state through its ownership and control of the ZBC. Only the voice of government officials, the ruling party and its supporters is heard on the ZBC. The Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe (MMPZ) has adequately documented the biased and unethical reporting of the ZBC, which has become endemic .

Although no serious moves have been made on licensing other private players the Minister of Information Jonathan Moyo has on three occasions in 2003 announced that private players would be licensed by the end of 2003. However 2003 has been concluded without any new player licensed.

The Minister announced in September that the state owned New Ziana has been licensed to operate radio and television stations. It seems however that the licensing that the government is looking at is one in which it has direct control of the process and the licensing of New Ziana cannot be defined as that of a private player since the state is the sole owner of the news agency.

The Broadcasting Services Act (BSA) provides that the licensing process shall be in hands of the Minister of Information and many other restrictions are put in place that make it impossible for an broadcasting initiative to function sustainably . The Minister and government officials have stressed that there is no way they are going to leave the process to be handled by any other authority none other than themselves.

The government has embarked on measures to strengthen the capacity of the ZBC by sourcing new technology to enhance its outreach. This is being done through loans from the Iranian government. This development might be positive in the long term and future role of the ZBC if and when it becomes a public broadcaster as opposed to the manner it is operating now. The government has also intensified its information dissemination capacity by setting up information kiosks in various rural and peri urban centers. These kiosks are, according to government officials, meant to “counter western propaganda being disseminated through the British Broadcasting Corporation, Voice of America and various short-wave radio stations such as SW radio Africa (London) and Voice of the people (Harare).

On a positive note the Supreme Court ruled that section 6 of the BSA seriously undermines the independence of the regulatory authority. Section 6 makes the minister the licensing authority, while the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ) processes the applications for a broadcaster’s licence. It therefore, unanimously ruled that the section in question was unconstitutional because it subordinates the authority to grant licences to the minister. The ruling was made after aspiring radio station, Capitol radio had challenged the constitutionality of several sections of the BSA .

v Attacks on MISA

MISA-Zimbabwe notes that there has also been an intensification of physical and verbal attacks on its members. In Kwekwe a MISA-Zimbabwe member Flata Kavinga was severely assaulted, and had to be hospitalized for two days, for wearing a MISA T shirt. Cyril Zenda a journalist with The Financial Gazette and a member of MISA-Zimbabwe had his MISA-T-shirt torn in Harare’s high-density suburb of Mbare in October 2003. The assailants accused Zenda of wearing a T-shirt of an organisation that promotes oppositional politics. Zenda lost his cellphone and wallet to a vigilante group known in the surburd as Chipangano and linked to the ruling party, ZANU PF. Many ordinary persons wearing MISA T-shirts have also been beaten and the t-shirts torn and some confiscated. The Minister of Information and Publicity Jonathan Moyo and the Chairperson of the Media and Information Commission have also intensified their attacks on MISA-Zimbabwe labeling it a foreign organisation promoting foreign interests. Such attacks, abhorrent and undesirable as they are, show us that the work we are doing is not in vain and the message is getting home. Accusations labeled against the organisation do not hold water as seen by the fact that a sizable number of members who benefit and support the work of MISA are infact journalists and media workers with the state media such ZBC and ZIMPAPERS.

MISA-Zimbabwe has responded to demands that it registers as a media house by taking the Minister of State for Information and Publicity and the Media and Information Commission to court. MISA-Zimbabwe argues that it is not a media house but a media watchdog and advocacy organisation.

v Telecommunications

Zimbabwe’s telecommunications sector was deregulated in the mid to late 1990’s a process that resulted in private companies investing in this sector. Zimbabwe has three wireless phone service providers. A new player, TeleAccess, was licensed in the fixed telephone service sector in December 2002. This brings the number of fixed telephone service providers to two. TeleAcess is still to launch its operations owing to the rising costs and distortions caused by the continued fall of the local Zimbabwe currency. The roll out of the TeleAcess service is expected to offer relief to thousands of Zimbabwe’s some who have been on waiting list for a lifetime. The launch is expected also to influence positively, the pricing of such services as the Internet.

v Media Violations: 2003 Statistics

Violations against journalists, media houses and other media workers continue unabated in Zimbabwe. One such serious violation was the 16 May, deportation of Andrew Meldrum by the immigration department against court judgments and orders that he be left alone. The act sends a chilling effect that the authorities are above the law and can act with impunity. As a result of such an action neither media workers nor ordinary persons are guaranteed protection under the law. The closure of The Daily News and The Daily News on Sunday however remains outstanding as the most serious violation to take place in Zimbabwe since 1980. MISA-Zimbabwe’s reports on media violations can be read on www.misa.org. Those interested in receiving the reports by e-mail can make such requests to [email protected] or [email protected].

For any comments, queries and or questions on this reports please contact

Rashweat Mukundu
Research and Information Officer
MISA-Zimbabwe
84 McChlery Ave
Eastlea
Box HR 8113
Harare
Zimbabwe
Phone 00 263 4 776 165, 746 838
Mobile 00 263 11 602 685
E-mail [email protected] or [email protected]