Democracy & Governance

Last week, Senator Shehu Sani supposedly “burst the bubble” by raising alarm over the humongous remuneration that he and his colleagues received in the National Assembly.

Before Magufuli’s presidency, The Economist has most often covered Tanzania’s corruption and developmental issues.

I have no iota of doubt that most of my readers have, by now, gone through Emmerson Mnangagwa’s Op-Ed (read lies) published by The New York Times on 11 March 2018.

General Reynaldo Bignone died on Wednesday, 7 March 2018, at a military hospital in Buenos Aires, Argentina where he was serving a life sentence for crimes against humanity. [1] General Bignone? Who was he?  And why should Africans be interested in him or his fate?

For Congolese, it is difficult to anticipate and plan for an election when they do not know if the incumbent President Joseph Kabila would run again despite term limit restrictions. Or if it is not certain that the vote would go ahead after previous broken promises of a scheduled vote.

This composite proposition has remained a pillar of Leftists’ political and social action.

Introduction

Having concluded that Uganda’s electoral law is greatly flawed, the country’s supreme court ordered President Museveni’s regime to carry out extensive electoral reforms. The supreme court observed that electoral reforms are a prerequisite for free, fair, and credible elections.

Despite being one of Africa’s richest regions in natural resources, Africa’s Great Lakes Region is said to host some of the most undemocratic governments in the continent.

Following the American Revolutionary War of the 17th century, and Slave Trade abolition initiatives, freed slaves from America and those “rescued” in the West African region settled with the natives of the two geographical locations known today as Liberia and Sierra Leone.