As a "progressive" Muslim woman, here are my thoughts on the issue of Islam and women's rights.

The problem around the interpretation of Shariah is that it is often articulated within the context of patriarchy, and Islam gets blamed for what are really chauvinist male-centric views, pronounced in these Shariah courts. On the question of punishment of Zina (adultery), and other "acts", Islamic law is quite clear in laying out conditions, such as there have to be 4 witnesses to the act in order for there to be any kind of punishment (and clearly this can only happen in an Islamic Khilafat or State that practices the original form of Shariah law, not these flawed "political" interpretations).

The case of Nigeria trying to implement Shariah law is quite complex, given that there are numerous factional and sectarian divides in Muslim society, and a good dose of patriarchal hierarchy to add to the potent mix.

I am not an apologist for Shariah Law, but it has certain merits, and then there are those aspects that horrify Western societies, such as chopping off of fingers / hands for stealing. In a country like Saudi Arabia, where such a thing may be implemented, there are again serious problems with how Shariah is articulated within a monarchy that on the one hand has dubious patron-client relationships with various western nations around oil wealth, and then claims religious hegemony and superiority at other levels, while it is using state coffers to line the pockets of already obscenely wealthy princes/officials.

I'd like to think that within Muslim society, we are able to face up to both internal and external contradictions, and challenge these, while at the same time attempt to articulate the real face of Islam to the world, not the one paraded by self-appointed Imams and Sheikhs, who claim moral authority, but really have no credibility on many issues of faith.

Its interesting though that Muslim women become the focus of these "human rights" discussions, as if western non-muslim women somehow have it better (while this may be true in some instances, the assumption that 'westernised' women are necessarily more liberated is something that needs to be further unpacked because a closer analyisis might reveal that they are perhaps far more enslaved than the Muslim woman wearing a veil. Again all of this is contextual and around choices that are afforded to women, whether they are Muslim or not).

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Last year, two out of three women in Liberia became the victims of sexual violence. During the fourteen-year civil war, rape was used systematically as a weapon of war. Although the conflict has ended, violence against women continues unabated because the war has destroyed social values and norms and left a far greater tendency to resort to violence.

This posting is an excerpt from a speech by Stephen Lewis, UN Special Envoy for HIV/AIDS in Africa, on the occasion of International Women's Day. Lewis continues to advocate for an autonomous international women's agency; sees grave failings in the appointment of a new high-level panel; and argues that women are abandoned in the fight against AIDS.

UNDP Somalia seeks a consultant to support training in gender mainstreaming both within the country office and the programmes. This position will work with the Business Development Unit, and will also provide programmatic support to the project “Enhancing Women's Leadership and Governance in Somalia”.

Monica Amolo's tale is one of endurance and determination: she is intent on being elected to Kenya's parliament, regardless of the intimidation experienced en route. Since trying to contest a legislative seat in western Kenya four years ago, Amolo told IPS, she has met with various forms of harassment. These range from being told that a woman's place is in the kitchen and accusations that she is a prostitute - to physical violence, and even death threats.

Activists against female genital mutilation are already working in high gear this year as the issue reaches a breaking point in many countries. On February 6, UNICEF kicked off the fourth annual International Day of Zero Tolerance of Female Genital Mutilation with rallies throughout many of the countries where the practice is widespread including Senegal, Egypt and Sudan. The UN children's agency operates anti-mutilation programs in 18 of the 28 countries where the traditional practice exists.

There is not a single country in the world today where women have the same opportunities as men, and although progress has been made in some areas in recent years, women are still disadvantaged in economic and political life. Gender equity is far from being achieved. The opportunities available to men and women are unequal in every country in the world. Almost 70% of the world's poor are women. The most obvious inequities are seen in the economic and political spheres. The exclusion of women is clearly visible in the political sphere. Although they account for more than half of the world's population, women occupy only 15% percent of seats in the world's parliaments on average.

In January 2006, the United Nations Inter-Agency Network on Women and Gender Equality (IANWGE) and the Network on Gender Equality of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) held a joint meeting on the implications of the new aid modalities for the achievement of gender equality. This aide-memoire, written in preparation of the meeting, argues that new aid modalities may have limited or adverse effects on developing countries if they do not take into account gender perspectives and the rights and interests of women.

Last year was a major focus of lobbying around the cancellation of Africa’s debt, but despite some token moves on behalf of the world’s creditors, not much has changed with regards the huge burden of debt faced by Africa. In this article, Mary George tackles the debt crisis and its impact on the lives of African women, concluding that there is little literature on the subject and urging women and women’s organisations to join the campaign for the outright cancellation of Africa’s debt.

In this article, Marywam Uwais, barrister and human rights advocate, argues that Islam and women’s rights are compatible. Using a framework of Islamic law, as well as the newly ratified Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa and the Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam, Uwais takes an in depth look at a number of factors affecting African Muslim women. With her background in law, Uwais has provided an extremely important tool for women’s rights advocates in Muslim Africa, linking issues facing women to concrete support for their rights within both the Quran and Islamic law.

Introduction

The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa was adopted in July 2003 during the 2nd Ordinary Session of the African Heads of States in Maputo, Mozambique. It was considered by women all over the world, as a decisive step towards securing a legal framework for the protection and advancement of women’s rights in Africa. Its swift ratification enabled it to come into force in November, 2005 and underscored the importance and the concern Member States attach to the injustices suffered daily by African women. These injustices take the form of physical and mental violence, social, economic and cultural rights abuses, exploitation of vulnerabilities, and the discrimination and disadvantages arising as a consequence thereof.

This paper attempts to draw comparisons between the contents of the Protocol and the rights of women within the Islamic legal framework, with a view to highlighting areas of common concern, and especially those Islamic concepts and legal principles that lend credence to the provisions adopted by the African Union, for the protection of Muslim African women, in particular.

One of the major concerns is the harsh, dogmatic and rigid interpretations of the Qur’an and the Hadith, adopted and conveyed by many scholars and in territories where the Shari’ah prevails (Shari’ah jurisdictions). These interpretations provide cover for many injustices, which cannot be justified under a religion that professes universal and substantive justice for all, and especially the vulnerable within the society. Close study demonstrates, however, that many of these interpretations/beliefs arise from ignorance of the true precepts of the faith, deriving from patriarchal cultures and traditions, rather than benevolent interpretations of the primary sources of the Shari’ah, in line with the spirit of the Qur’an and the traditions of Prophet Muhammad (SAW).

This article will thus consider several of the issues important to Muslim women in Africa, including access to justice, polygamy, economic rights and the right to political participation. An attempt will be made to connect these issues to the Muslim context, international rights treaties and potential solutions to each topic.

Access to Justice

Islam, being a faith that commands the doing of substantive justice to all, also stresses equality of all before the law, irrespective of social standing, gender, religious inclination and other similar considerations. One of the chief mandates for human rights within the Muslim context comes from the Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam, pronounced by the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC). Thus, Article 19 of the OIC Declaration provides that:

(a) All Individuals are equal before the law, without distinction between ruler and the ruled; and
(b) The right to resort to justice is guaranteed to everyone.

Moreover, Article 8 of same states;

Every human being has the right to enjoy his legal capacity in terms of both obligation and commitment, should this capacity be lost or impaired, he shall be represented by a guardian.

Much, however, needs to be done by Member States to overcome barriers to securing the protections afforded to women under the law, as many of such structures and mechanisms are not in place, and the overwhelming circumstances of poverty and ignorance serve as formidable obstacles to the realization of women’s rights. While comprehensive codification is advocated for in many areas (especially in the vast and interrelated field of family law) care should be taken to ensure that the laws under contemplation, though seemingly positive, do not have an adverse effect on women in practical terms. For instance, experience has shown that in some cases, efforts at enforcing strict regulation have merely had the effect of rendering such negative practices ‘invisible’. Regulation should, therefore, not be so strict as to further aggravate the circumstances unfortunate women find themselves in, nor remove all avenues for the ability to exercise just and compassionate discretion.

In addition, law reform and regulation must be accompanied by wider efforts at social change, such as the empowerment of men and women with the essential knowledge of the rights available to women under the Shari’ah, (including the necessary financial wherewithal), as many of the positive, beneficial decisions taken (even under the common law) can hardly be enforced due to the fact that too many violations go unnoticed and undocumented (and are thus considered the norm) and that the circumstances of poverty, ignorance and illiteracy are all-pervasive, especially in the rural areas.

Polygamy

Muslim scholars argue that polygamy is permitted as a remedy for certain social diseases, under certain strict conditions. Without delving into the arguments on the justification for polygamy in today’s context (especially since the practice is deeply entrenched and accepted as the norm, even by women, in many African jurisdictions), it would only suffice to point out that the ability to treat co-wives justly is a strict precondition to the practice, following the verses in the Qur’an;

‘…marry women of your choice, two, three or four; but if you feel you may not be able to deal justly (with them), then only one . . .That is nearer to prevent you from doing injustice.’

' . . . you will never be able to do perfect justice between wives even if it is your ardent desire . . .'

Obviously, these verses do not convey an unrestrained license to men, for the multiplication of wives and monogamy seems to be the preferred option. Unfortunately, polygamy has attained the status of an abiding culture in our own jurisdictions, without regard to the underlying necessity for fairness and justice between wives, being the normative values embedded intrinsically therein.

Since Muslims accept that cohesion of the family unit is the objective of the Shari’ah, surely where blatant abuse of a permission granted in good faith has become the norm (to the extent that disarray has become the consequence of a practice that typifies the letter, but not the essence of the Shari’ah) time has come for the Courts, and the Shari’ah jurisdictions to intervene for the purposes of protecting the vulnerable. The Shari’ah jurisdictions are under a duty to protect all, including women, so it would be appropriate for a regulatory law to be passed that reinforces controls and checks the abuse of the Qur’anic verses.

Thus, Courts should be empowered to enquire into the circumstances of all men who wish to marry subsequent wives, in respect of issues such as capacity and the discharge of their basic obligations as they exist or are stipulated in the marriage contract, as is happening in several Shari’ah jurisdictions across the world. Justification and proof should be demanded from, and given by, men for contemplated subsequent wives, on issues such as whether they can afford to maintain them, accommodate them with some measure of privacy (privacy being a major right under the Shari’ah), whether the existing wife consents to such addition (in emulation of the conduct of the Prophet when Ali, his daughter’s husband, sought for advice for a subsequent marriage), otherwise the woman would be compensated on agreeable terms. The State must step in, as the Authority responsible for protecting the weak in their respective spheres of authority.

Moreover, it is clear that Islam permitted polygamy as a social remedy under certain strict conditions (without which the plurality of wives is prohibited). Some Muslim countries have accordingly advocated for an outright prohibition, or introduced legislation that empowers the judiciary to refuse permission for the taking of a subsequent wife, because the man is found not to be in a position to sustain both wives, satisfactorily (in terms of maintenance, etc). While this approach has been criticized as restrictive (in that it takes away the man’s discretion and certain perceived rights), it could serve as the procedural means of ensuring that the ability to do justice is not subjective, and authorizes the intervention of an impartial third party, thereby ensuring justice in the true spirit of the Qur’an. This is especially because the condition of doing justice between co-wives is seldom given any consideration by men where polygamy is practiced.

Economic Rights

In Islamic law, women are entitled to hold property of their own, in their name and within and after marriage, as the case may be. This includes the right to earn, acquire, access and dispose of her property. Although the law provides that she may not be forcefully dispossessed of the same, these rights appear to exist more in theory. Muslim women in Africa remain largely economically dependent on their male counterparts, especially since the control of her property, if any, is invariably in the hands of male relations.

Access to credit, bank loans, mortgages and the like is still heavily skewed in favour of men and many socio-cultural and economic barriers militate against women enjoying financial independence. Indeed, although there are no categorical religious injunctions against women owning property, even the policies of Member States fail to acknowledge the current statistics that disclose that women are increasingly becoming the breadwinners of their households. Age-long prejudices, attitudes and behaviour need also to alter, to effectively take into account the peculiar problems women face in trying to assert their rights.

The Right to Political Participation

With respect to political leadership, Shari’ah places utmost emphasis on good governance, founded on justice, equity and responsibility. The Qur’an states clearly that sovereignty of the heavens and the earth belong to God, it also provides that God has made human beings His agents and representatives, without distinction as to gender. Arising from these verses and the traditions of the Prophet in support thereof, there is a consensus that every Muslim has the right and opportunity to participate directly or indirectly in the country’s public affairs and electoral processes, and the prerequisites of leadership are regarded as the capacity to exercise righteousness and to uphold justice for all.

Nowhere in the Qur’an or the Hadith is there any prohibition of participation of a woman in her country’s affairs. The Hadith that is often utilized as authority to deny such participation (where the Prophet was reported to have said that a Nation that leaves its affairs in the hands of a woman would not prosper) is said to be of doubtful authenticity by several Scholars. The historical context of that tradition is said to have been the event when the Prophet received news that Khusro’s daughter, who was widely perceived as authoritarian, had succeeded the throne. The comment was considered to be in specific relation to her person. Indeed, in contrast to this position, verses 32-34 of the Chapter on Ants (Naml) in the Qur’an extol Bilqis, the Queen of Sheba, as a ruler enjoying great wealth, dignity and the full confidence of her subjects. If it were an aberration to have a female ruler, Sheba would not have been worthy of such honour, as to be mentioned so commendably by God. Moreover, women as a group are known to have participated in the initial pledge of allegiance (bay’a) extended to the Prophet, by Muslims, which is a significant pointer to the fact that even in those days, women were considered an integral part of the Muslim community, participating in the political activities of their society. It is also reported that Aisha, the widow of the Prophet, led and commanded the Battle of the Camel, with many of the companions of the Prophet in her army, and none of them disclaimed her authority to lead.

Conclusion

Today’s realities make it imperative that mechanisms and in-built structures within Islamic Law (such as doctrines for the development of the Shari’ah) must be activated by our own Scholars and Jurists. This is for the benefit of the female gender, if only to enable constructive, contextual interpretations of the primary sources of the Shari’ah, as was done many centuries ago by Islamic jurists and scholars of repute in their own times within the Islamic world. As has been shown, there is ample room within Islamic law for Muslim States to remedy the problems and seeming contradictions between the position of women in Shari’ah and the provisions of the Protocol, utilising an open mind that views the issues as complementary, rather than incongruous. Good faith, backed by political and humanitarian will, are capable of ensuring the flexibility required to resolve the apparent ‘conflicts’ between Islamic Law and the contents of the African Protocol, thereby creating the understanding that would lead to the harmonisation and realisation of common standards of universalism, irrespective of gender and other similar considerations, in Africa and the world, at large. A positive attitude for managing variations through the synergising of rights norms (as replete in the Protocol) with Islamic legal principles is necessary and imperative, for formidable and comprehensive protections to be afforded women in developing countries, of which African Muslim women form a significant portion.

* This article is comprised of extracts from a longer paper by Maryam Uwais, who is Principal Barrister at Wali-Uwais & Co. in Nigeria. She is also involved in the National Human Rights Commission.

*Please send comments to

Providing Pambazuka News readers with a clear linkage between women’s rights and Islamic law, Dr. Muhammad Tawfiq Ladan argues that a significant relationship exists between what the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa and Sharia have to offer to Muslim communities in Africa. Detailing the basis for women’s equality as provided for within the Quran and Islamic law, this article argues that Islam recognises that while men and women are not the same, they are certainly not unequal. The article concludes with a number of important recommendations for advocates working in African Muslim countries to ensure the rights of women.

This paper argues that the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa provides a strategic platform for advocates seeking to bring women’s human rights to the attention of citizens, organizations, governments and policymakers throughout Africa. It further argues that there is a significant relationship between the Protocol and the Sharia in terms of the objective, nature and scope of women’s rights.

Hence this paper seeks to realize the following objectives:

1. To provide an overview of the Protocol with special emphasis on the key survival, development, protection and participation rights of women in Africa;
2. To establish a significant relationship between the Protocol’s core provisions and the Islamic perspective on gender equality.
3. To conclude with some viable options for effective strategies in promoting and protecting women’s rights in Africa.

The Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa

This part of the paper seeks to highlight the significance and potential of, and the rationale behind the Protocol and to examine the key provisions of the protocol relating to women’s rights in Africa.

Significance and Potential of the Protocol

The African Union adopted on July 11, 2003 in Maputo, Mozambique, a landmark treaty known as the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa (the protocol) to supplement the regional human rights charter, the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (the African Charter). The protocol, which entered into force on 25 November 2005 after securing 15 ratifications by African governments, provides broad protection for women’s human rights, including gender equality and justice.

The significance and potential of the protocol go well beyond Africa. The treaty contains a number of global firsts. For example, it represents the first time that an international human rights instrument has explicitly articulated a women’s right to abortion when pregnancy results from sexual assault, rape, or incest; when continuation of the pregnancy endangers the life or health of the pregnant woman; and in cases of grave fetal defects that are incompatible with life. Another first is the protocol’s call for the prohibition of harmful practices such as female circumcision/female genital mutilation (FC/FGM), which have ravaged the lives of countless young women in Africa.

The protocol can help advocates pressure governments to address the underlying social, economic, political, and health-care issues that contribute to the dismal states of women’s conditions throughout Africa, and through the reliance on the Quranically dictated values on gender equality, links to the protocol can be established in order to strengthen the rights of Muslim women throughout the continent.

Gender Equality and Justice under the Sharia

The Sharia, technically referred to as a ‘believer’s law’ in Islam, has two components. The divine component is founded on the provisions of the Holy Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet of Islam. The human component of the Sharia is largely rooted in the exercise of ijtihad, technically referred to as the human initiatives to embark on research, provide judicial interpretations of the provisions of the divine component of the Sharia, resort to legal opinions or fatwa, juristic analysis, discourse or interpretations, as well as analogical deductions of rule by qualified mujtahids or scholars from the letter and spirit of the Holy Quran. Hence while the divine component is immutable, the human aspect of the Sharia is liable to err.

It is generally thought that the Sharia treats women unfairly and gender equality and justice are not possible within the Islamic legal system. This assertion is partly true and partly untrue.

Partly true as far as the resort to the process of ijtihad, the outcome and application of this process is not reflective of the changing needs and circumstances of the Muslim Ummah and not consistent with the values that the Quran repeatedly asserts in four words: ‘adl (Justice), ihsan (Benevolence), rahmah (Compassion) and hikmah (Wisdom). These Quranic values are very close to, and in fact, are the essence of human rights. One cannot think of human rights of any individual or group in the modern world without these values. Justice is as fundamental to human rights as benevolence, compassion and wisdom are. One cannot have a humane society without it being a just society.

The notion is partly untrue as far as the concept and respect for human rights are quite integral to the teachings of the Quran and the practice of the Prophet. Both the Quran and the Sunnah have remained for Muslims the framework within which to promote and protect these individual/group human rights. And the Quran has recognized and supported women’s rights in particular to: independent ownership of property, education, inheritance, free consent in marriage, divorce, child custody, voting rights, and to full legal capacity. However, there is the need to improve on women’s access to justice and to practically enhance gender equality in Muslim societies.

Quranic Perspectives on Gender Equality

The expression “Quranic perspective on Gender Equality” was judged to be the most suitable title for it orients us towards discovering those core principles in the Quran itself which form the understanding framework for our societies throughout the Muslim world. It is a society based on Quranic principles which is the goal of all Muslims, even though we may unknowingly deviate from time to time from those principles. It is the conference to a Quran-based society for which we must all work if the Muslim peoples are to enjoy a felicitous future. It is not an Indonesian, Pakistani, Saudi Arabian, Egyptian, Sudanese or Nigerian version of that society that we should regard as the indisputable norm, but one firmly based on the teachings of the Holy Quran. Only therein can we find a proper definition of women’s role in society. Since it is these teachings which are the subject of this sub-heading, the above seemed the most proper title.

By this choice of title one needs to emphasize that Muslims should regard the Holy Quran as our guide in all aspects of our lives. It is not only the prime source of knowledge about religious beliefs, obligations, and practices, it is also the guide, whether specific or implied, for every aspect of Islamic civilization.

As a step in this direction, let us consider what the Quran has to teach us about gender equality in the society towards which we should be striving, and ponder its effect on the position of women. What are the basic characteristics of a Quranic society which particularly affect women?

Five characteristics, which seem basic, crucial and incontrovertible of Quranic society are to be considered. Although they are presented in a series, each one rests upon the others and affects them. The interdependence of these five characteristics makes it difficult to speak of any one of them without mention of the others, and of course they do not and cannot exist in isolation from one another.

The characteristics include the following:

The Quran acknowledges the equal status and worth of the sexes, and the first of these Quranic confirmations of male-female equality are contained in statements pertaining to such religious matters as the origins of humanity, or to religious obligations and rewards.

Secondly, Muslims abide by a dual sex society rather than a unisex society. While maintaining the validity of the equal worth of men and women, the Quran does not judge this equality to mean equivalence or identity of the sexes. The society based on the Quran is, in contrast, a dual-sex society in which both sexes are assigned their special responsibilities. This assures the healthy functioning of the society for the benefit of all its members.

Third, of utmost importance is the interdependence of all members of society. Contrary to the contemporary trend to emphasize the rights of the individual at the expense of society, we find the Quran repeatedly emphasizing the interdependence of the male and female, as well as of all members of society.

Fourth, the value of the extended family is synonymous with Islam, as it serves to improve male-female relations. Thus, family connections reaching far beyond the nuclear unit are evident in strong psychological, social, economic and even political ties.

The fifth basic characteristic of a Quranic society is that of patriarchy. In order to acquire stability and cohesiveness, within Islam, patriarchy dominates, with men assuming responsibility for maintaining society.

The above analysis thus demonstrates that while women and men may be different, they are still equal, and as such, deserve equal treatment. The Quran thus provides the basis from which women are to be seen within Muslim communities, while the protocol offers the legal protection for all African women, including those living within an Islamic context.

Conclusions and Recommendations

It is evident from the above analysis that, both the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa and Islamic law recognize the crucial role of women in the preservation of family and societal values and seek to promote and protect women’s rights as human beings, then as citizens of their respective states, and finally as members of a vulnerable group that are largely abused, disadvantaged, marginalized and discriminated against in every human society.

Further, how men and women (especially political and public office holders, religious and community leaders, gender insensitive scholars, policy formulators and implementers) perceive women’s rights and to what extent their decisions and behaviour reflect a concern over such rights, are questions that require: continuing human rights education; aggressive public enlightenment campaigns; multidisciplinary research and a cross-cultural approach to the understanding, articulation and promotion of women’s rights as human rights in the civil, political, social, economic, cultural, environmental and development contexts.

At the same time, because legal and policy reforms and ideas about human rights can only provide a receptive context for changes in behaviour and do not by themselves produce these changes, it is important also to devote our attention to the practical realities that would support or hinder these reforms. These range from the economic and health infrastructure, to patterns of family formation and dissolution, and the diffusion of ideas through education and exchange. In other words, to all those conditions that are prerequisite to the effective protection of women’s human rights and the promotion of gender equality and gender justice.

Viable Options for Advocates

First, advocates in countries that have not yet ratified the protocol should press their governments to ratify.

Second, there is the need to uphold the protocol’s objectives. Any state that ratifies the treaty immediately assumes an obligation to uphold its stated objectives: to ensure the promotion and protection of women’s human rights; to ensure the implementation of the protocol at national level; and to submit periodic reports to the African Human Rights Commission, as well as provide appropriate legal remedies to any woman whose rights are violated. The adoption and repeal of legislations, implementation of policies and programmes, and enforcement by national-level courts and other mechanisms of existing legal standards can fulfill the obligations outlined in the protocol.

Third, advocates can lobby governments to reform national laws and policies that hinder women’s human rights under the protocol. Fourth, advocates need to push national and local policymakers to enact policies and programmes that seek to fulfill women’s human rights: - e.g., violence against women; sexual discrimination against women; a woman’s right to sustainable development and to participate in governance, decision-making process at all levels and in politics. Fifth, advocates can bring cases before national courts to help address violations of women’s sexual and reproductive rights, rights to a healthy and sustainable environment etc. Sixth, treaties help advocates articulate the nature and content of women’s human rights. The language of the protocol, therefore, may be used to educate women and men, policymakers, and advocates on the meaning and significance of legal standards, entitlements, and obligations as they apply to women’ rights in Africa. Seventh, conduct trainings for those who protect, promote and advance women’s rights in Africa on the African Human Rights System and the role of the protocol.

Finally, advocates need to lobby member states of the African Union to ensure that the African Human Rights Enforcement mechanisms are effective.

*This article is comprised of extracts as well as summary from a longer paper presented at a symposium co-convened by the Babiker Badri Scientific Association of Women, Afhad University for Women, which was organised by the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights (SOAWR) Coalition during the 6th African Union Summit in January of 2006 in Sudan.

* Please send comments to

This article, meant to be a basic introduction to the topic of Islamic women’s rights in Africa, argues that the two are not mutually exclusive and that women’s rights are in fact provided for within the main frameworks of Islam. While this has been largely little or misunderstood, there is a growing awareness of the fact that neither Islam nor women’s lives are static, and the movement to increase the rights of women is growing within a framework that does not harm the positive and strengthening aspects of Muslim culture.

Issues of human rights for women in African Muslim regions are usually highly contested, though more often they are little understood. Too frequently the discourse surrounding Muslim women’s rights in Africa centers on their lack of empowerment, which can be seen as ironic, considering that Islam is in fact a highly egalitarian religion at its core. Devastated by colonialism, war and poverty, many Muslim African countries are challenged with the task of rebuilding societies based on religious beliefs and cultural identities. At the same time, the recognition of the legitimate and Quranically provided for rights of women must be taken into account, taking also into account the international treaties and global pressures of democracy and rights.

Islam and women’s rights are not mutually exclusive, in spite of the fact that Islamic laws are often disconnected between how they are enacted in practice and what they officially state in writing. The allowance of custom into the legal system and the right to freedom of conscience (interpretation) are two of the ways in which the laws or Shariah of Islam have been narrowed, among numerous others. Further, it is difficult to interpret or critically assess Islamic law without Islamic education, which has been denied to many Muslims across the globe (due to colonialism and political control, among other reasons). Thus, there is widespread misunderstanding as to what the Qur’an actually says.

At the core of Islam is its creation story, which affirms that male and female were created equally, thus leaving no hierarchy in gender creation. Furthermore, Muslim women are independent legal entities, able to retain their own names, financial independence and property at all times. Women are also to be provided for in the instance of divorce. They are to be given a share of relative’s inheritance on the passing of a husband or father. Muslim women, in the Qur’an, are also given the opportunity to work, and to provide an income for themselves. At the same time, while housework and the raising of children is in many instances still prescribed along gender lines, children are to be brought up by both parents, with each consulting one another on important matters. These are just some of the examples of the rights accorded to women within Islam – according to the Qur’an, the hadiths and Sharia (Islamic law). This is obviously a cursory overview of a complicated and deeply historical issue, but it hopes to show simply that there is a side of Islam not often represented in mainstream media or discourse. Further, while many of these rules and ideas are recorded and guaranteed in writing, they are not always practiced. In reality, many Muslim women do not have access to any of these rights.

There are many issues important specifically to Muslim women in Africa, and these are in fact integral to a global perspective in terms of guaranteeing basic human rights. Women comprise over half of the population in Sub-Saharan Africa, including those countries where Islam is practiced. These nations include Mauritania (100% Islamic), the Francophone countries of Burkina Faso (50%), Chad (50%), Cameroon, Mali (90%), Niger (80%) and Senegal (92%) and the Anglophone countries of Ghana and Nigeria (which has a 50% Muslim population). In these places, Islam has a strong influence on women’s roles, access to information and rights. These issues are embedded, for African Muslim women, not only within their religious beliefs but also larger local culture, tradition, and customs.

In some places, the respect accorded to women within Islam is upheld; in other places, women struggle to gain access to these rights. This is the case because within Islam (and many other religions, for that matter), women symbolise a large part of tradition and cultural identity. Changing anything in regards to women’s rights is thus regarded as changing Islam. Those involved in the women’s movements of these countries struggle against this idea. Their protests are sometimes banned, or greeted with backlash – rarely welcomed by those in power. But their movement is growing – they are participating in debates, conferences, television and radio talk shows. Many of those involved are educated women – lawyers, social workers, and academics. This struggle against religious conservatives means that the criticism they receive is invoked through religious and theological means, whether valid or not. This, for many of these activists, means that the work they must do for women must be centered on civil rights, rather than religious ones, as efforts to reform Islam from within, keep failing. Women’s Islamic discourse cannot be discounted, however, as it is starting to provide counterpoints. This is limited at the highest level, however, by the fact that women lawyers are banned from representing women in the Sharia (Islamic law) courts.

A brief overview of some of the most pressing issues facing Muslim women in African nations shows that there is a lack of legal reform in areas traditionally governed by customary and religious laws. Women suffer discrimination in the areas of marriage and divorce laws, property and inheritance laws that favor men, societal norms that condone violence against women, lack of access to proper reproductive and sexual health and rights and lack of access to education. In some of these nations, women are still forced to undergo female genital mutilation. Further, on an everyday basis, women’s roles are confined to those traditionally performed along gender lines – transgressing these boundaries is not a choice for most, should they desire to live beyond these prescribed roles. Freedom of movement and lack of a public life or voice are also a reality for many.

The solutions to these complex and ingrained problems will not come easily. Women’s behavior and roles, in many ways, uphold the core of what Islam is. Changing the way women are valued and treated thus requires not only legal, political and cultural change, but also a shift in attitude. Accomplishing this task without harming the positive essence of Islamic culture and tradition will be difficult, but integral towards realizing women’s rights.

However, there are numerous groups in Africa working towards realizing the rights of Muslim women. Their political and community level participation is in fact an important part of Islam, and is a duty owed to their society. In many African nations there exist small groups of dedicated women working for little pay, in conditions which are sometimes dangerous, to promote the rights of Muslim women. They work to strengthen laws that protect women within customary, statutory and religious laws, lobbying at local, regional and national levels. These groups provide knowledge and awareness to rural and urban women regarding how to exercise and develop their rights and advocate on their behalf in social and legislative realms.

* Researched and written by Karoline Kemp, a Commonwealth of Learning Young Professional with Fahamu.

* Please send comments to

Sources:
http://hrw.org/women/overview-mena.html
http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/genislam.htm

http://www.baobabwomen.org

Further Reading for International Women’s Day:

Exercising Power for Change - Statement by Noeleen Heyzer, Executive Director of UNIFEM, on the occasion of International Women’s Day
http://www.un.org/events/women/iwd/2006/
Global: Millions of girls still out of school on International Women's Day
http://www.campaignforeducation.org
Inspiring Potential – Background and Tool Kit
http://www.internationalwomensday.com/
Groups blast U.N. on gender parity

Sex worker rights group participating in national bus trip to stop violence against women and children
http://www.hrea.org/feature-events/iwd.php
IWD - Aspiring decision makers do battle with tradition

To mark International Women's Day, we publish today a number of articles on Islam and human rights. In this compelling article by Ayesha Imam, women’s reproductive and sexual rights within Muslim Nigeria are considered. With the recent “Sharianization” of parts of the country, new offences have been created, mostly surrounding sexuality, which has had a negative effect on women’s rights. Imam argues that while Sharia (Muslim laws) are neither uniform nor God given, the opposition between conservative and liberal jurisprudence has prevented progressive scholars and activists from establishing Muslim laws that ensure and protects the rights of women. She highlights what can be done to oppose these forces, and argues that one of the most important aspects of this task involves a “demystification” of Sharia for the Muslim communities of Nigeria (and elsewhere).

Amina Lawal was convicted of adultery in March 2002 and sentenced to stoning to death. In the wake of a new Sharia Penal Code in Katsina State, religious right vigilantes instigated a case against her for having a child after divorce without remarrying. The alleged father swore that he had not had sexual relations with her and was released. These events occurred during a heated controversy in Nigeria about the nature and desirability of Sharia (Muslim laws), rights in Muslim laws, constitutional rights, international human rights and their relationship(s) to each other. Ms. Lawal’s case was immediately adopted by a coalition of Nigerian non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that provided her with lawyers, safe houses, medical care, and emotional support over the eighteen-month ordeal. She also became the object of world attention, media and protest campaigns, many of which excoriated “Islamic law” as brutal and called on Nigeria’s president to pardon her and repeal the Sharia Acts. In September 2003, Amina Lawal won her appeal in the state Sharia Court of Appeal and was acquitted (Lawal Kurami v. the State).

This case is perhaps one of the best known concerning the introduction of Sharia Penal Codes in several Nigerian states in 2000. Zina, or unlawful sexual intercourse, includes adultery, punished by stoning to death, and fornication, penalized by whipping. In some of the states, men may be imprisoned in addition. These cases have been integral to the opening up of issues relevant to ensuring and developing women’s reproductive and sexual rights, and to understanding them in ways that recognises and respects both local cultures and contexts, as well as international rights agreements. The tensions between conservative religious politics and crude antiterrorism policies which are often blatantly Islamphobic must be considered in this discussion, which also involves local cultures containing a complicated mixture of ideologies and social practices, structured by power relations.

International human rights treaties and agreements, like local cultures, must thus require a “claim and critique” strategy – being aware of both local cultures and international human rights discourse, while at the same time not privileging either as superior, and thus being able to critique both. This is important so that human rights principles actually guarantee people their rights in their day to day lives; this requires that they are claimed and respected by local cultures, and are not merely written texts, so that they are seen as social and historical products, affected by the power politics and of the cultural traditions of the dominant groups in their own contexts.

Understanding that human rights constructions are themselves subject to power structures makes it possible to recognise the Western European influences on the construction of rights today. But it is also possible to accept the universality of the notion of rights, which are not static and are constantly reconstructed by those whose lives are impacted by them.

Approaches to human rights must also be constantly reconstructed. It is important that local cultural-religious norms and traditions, as well as formal national and international rights regimes must be simultaneously drawn from and negotiated with. Women’s rights groups have been integral to this process. Even though many of these groups are often regarded as in opposition to family, religious or ethnic community, they are in fact challenging not the communities themselves, but the current definitions of culture and norms of that community, and the powers of the cultural gatekeepers to maintain those definitions. It is with this background in mind that this article looks at the politics and activities surrounding zina cases under the Sharia Penal Codes in Nigeria.

Nigeria has seen a growth in religious essentialism and conservatism. However, the introduction of Sharia in Nigeria has had more to do with emotional political appeal, especially due to economic and educational issues, rather than religious sentiment.

Reactions to Sharianization were many. Christian and non-Muslims feared the imposition of Muslim religious laws on them. Human rights and other NGOs activists (including Muslims) were concerned about the religious rights of non-Muslims and the violation of constitutional provisions of secularity. Both Muslim and non-Muslim women’s rights activists were concerned that Sharia would be used as a rationale to discriminate against women and restrict their rights.

Muslim communities reactions to Sharianization were also varied – Ibrahim el-Zakzaky of the Muslim Brothers, who had previously called for the Islamization of Nigeria, opposed Sharianization on the grounds that passing and implementing harsh punishments without first ensuring just socioeconomic relations was not Islamic. Others were afraid of political abuse by those with power; as Muslims they did not want to oppose Sharia, but they did not feel they had the skills to criticize potential corruption without the ability to read Arabic or years of study of Islamic jurisprudence. Thus, there was an “uneasy public silence.” However, upon the passing of the laws there was much celebration, as many associated Sharia with morality. Morality was seen not only as sexuality, but also in terms of safety and anti-corruption, which the poor suffer most from.

The Sharia Penal Codes have created some new offences in Nigerian law, mostly around sexuality. They also recognise stoning, retributive punishments and blood fines. In theory, these laws apply to Muslims only, but it remains an open question whether Muslims have the right to choose to be governed by general Nigerian law, without having to renounce their religious identity.

Also still unresolved and ambiguous is that of the contradictions and gaps between the new Sharia Penal Codes and the Criminal Procedure Codes that determine procedures and evidence: What counts as evidence? What are the procedures? How are offenses actually defined? Further, whether the Sharia acts themselves or the nature of the punishments are subject to international human rights law has been debated. Nigeria is in fact a state party to several international human rights covenants. However, although such agreements may give rise to obligations under international law, unless they have been specifically incorporated into domestic law, they give no basis for claims in national courts. The interplay between domestic Nigerian multiple and parallel legal systems of secular, Muslim and customary laws is also problematic as they give differential rights on different issues, and jurisdiction can be contentious. Whose version of Sharia is to be upheld is another area that requires further definition.

Sharia is neither directly God given, nor uniform through Muslim history or different communities. In principle, Muslim laws are to be developed by reliance on the Qu’ran. The second source is the sunnah – traditions of the Prophet. Next is ijma, consensus about what that law is, by qiyas (analogy) and ijtihad (interpretive reasoning). At each stage there are disagreements that have led to diversities – thus, Muslim laws are and always have been subject to discussion or controversy.

Further, there are four main schools of Islamic jurisprudence among Sunni Muslims (who constitute about 80% of all Muslims). There are many similarities, as well as wide divergences. However, the scholars behind these schools did not see themselves as setting down a God-given legal code to be obeyed by all Muslims for all time. On the contrary, they were quite categorical that Muslims were not obliged to follow them if they did not believe that their reasoning from the Qu’ran and the sunnah were right. They had no intention of making their views final and binding on all Muslims. The stereotype of a single, uniform or divinely revealed Islamic law is false. However, this myth has been useful for Muslim conservatives and this can indeed by seen in Nigeria regarding reproductive and sexual rights.

In terms of zina, there are three main possibilities: zina can be seen as a sin that Allah will punish directly, except where there are voluntary or repeated confessions; the law can be seen as a deterrent but which requires high standards of proof and evidence which result in few prosecutions and rare convictions; and the politically motivated aggressive enforcing of morality through restrictive legislation and enthusiastic prosecutions. This latter case is what has been happening in Nigeria. In terms of reproductive rights for women, Sharia is equally diverse. Most Muslim jurists agree that fertility management is permissible, and that pleasure in sexual intercourse is a right for both men and women. Most also agree that Islam does not sanction female genital mutilation. Despite this, the religious right in Nigeria have described fertility management as promoting immorality and zina, and have thus attempted to prevent it.

This opposition between conservative and liberal constructions of Muslim laws, and the myth of a single uniform (conservative) Sharia, has enabled the Muslim religious rightwing to prevent progressive Muslim scholars and rights activists from establishing the legitimacy of their positions in fiqh (jurisprudence), Sharia, or non-religious laws. Ironically, many progressives and leftists in the West do the same, dismissing critical voices from within the Muslim world as “Westernized” and inauthentic. It is important to recognize dissenters as equally authentic members of the community.

Many groups are actively organising in Nigeria to establish protection for women’s rights under this new Sharianization. The primary strategy of these organisations is defending those convicted by focusing on appeals in the Sharia courts, thus buying much needed time as well as getting closer to the higher courts, which have been historically more fair to women. Appealing, with the use of arguments in fiqh, deficiencies in the acts and the bias against women in their implementation could be recognised. Alternative Muslim juristic views can also be cited. Gaining an acquittal also serves to indicate that no conviction should have been made, and is thus a vindication of the person wrongly convicted. Pursuing appeals also serves to demonstrate that people have the right to appeal and challenge injustice, including those perpetuated in the name of religion. The success of those appeals shows that it does make a difference – far fewer women and men have been charged with zina or sentenced to stoning since Amina’s case, and the two that were, have successfully appealed and were discharged within three months.

These same women’s and rights groups have also sought to demystify Sharia to the general public, through seminars, workshops, training, public discussion, lectures, articles, pamphlets, books and radio and television talk shows. This includes groups like the Constitutional Rights Project, BAOBAB for Women’s Human Rights, the Women’s Action Collective with Women’s Action Research and Documentation, and the Nigerian office of the International Human Rights Law Group.

Demystifying Sharianization in Nigeria also involves critiques of the current class- and gender-bias in content and implementation. The poor have been the most subjected to harsh punishments. There have been fewer convictions of men than of women for adultery or fornication. Moreover, men convicted of violent sexual offences, like rape and sexual assault, have received less severe punishments (usually fines, imprisonment, or acceptance of pleas of illness and insanity), despite the stronger punishments available in the Sharia Penal Codes that are routinely meted out for consensual sex outside marriage. Women have clearly been discriminated against. Judges have ignored or dismissed women’s allegations of rape and coercion in zina cases. Before Amina Lawal’s acquittal, convictions of adultery/fornication brought against women used different and discriminatory standards of evidence than those used for men – that of pregnancy outside marriage.

The task at hand is therefore much larger than simply working to make Sharia work for women – it includes reeducation and awareness raising to change age old attitudes, while at the same time valuing local traditions and culture.

International media coverage of these cases, and of the Amina Lawal case in particular, has been staggering, relatively speaking. News reporting and petitions that have appealed to human rights have had conflicting results. While a growing awareness of rights abuses has been gained, a certain amount of hypocritical action is identified: the response of many Nigerians has frequently been to ask why people in the West are apparently so concerned about the life of one Muslim woman in Nigeria, when they have been killing large numbers of Muslim men, women, and children and are responsible for the horrors of war and its aftermath in Iraq.

While international solidarity is important to local rights struggles, and campaigns and petitions have the potential to be successful, it must be done in a way that does not portray stereotypes, nor hinder the actual protection and defense of women’s and human rights. Further, the international media and protests have largely ignored the existence of dissent among Muslims, and have downplayed the existence of protests and campaigns enacted within Nigeria. The tendency to treat the Muslim world as uniform only helps to legitimize the religious right’s monopolistic claim to speak for all Muslims and to de-legitimize the assertions of progressive scholars and rights activists. Downplaying local organizing has the clear implication that it is the pressure and power of external foreign interests that is important and not the strengthening of local cultures of rights.

In order to move forward, using local structures and mechanisms (judicial appeals, informal dispute resolution, mock tribunals organized by local NGOs, networks of sympathizers and campaigns) to resist retrogressive laws or interpretations of laws and the forces behind them is the priority. Doing so strengthens local counter-discourses and often carries greater legitimacy than outside pressure. Further, using local structures and discourses can really address the local political power struggles that are behind the political use of religions and ethnicities.

Reforming laws is of utmost importance, and will require expanding public education on Muslim laws, juristic opinions and debate on the contents of laws. This task also necessitates building solidarity among a variety of stakeholders to develop shared understanding and common strategies and platforms for women’s and human rights. Local groups must find ways to interact with and influence mass international media, to make it more accurate and nuanced. These groups must also negotiate with and influence the policies of international agencies to create informed and respectful solidarity. Campaigning for governments and media to support international policies that sustain economic justice and rights would give hope worldwide so that poverty and uncertainty do not continue to be conditions in which religious right sentiments and actors find support for discourses and laws that violate rights.

* This up-dated paper contains both summary and extracts from a longer paper, which is an edited version of a paper published in “Where Human Rights Begin—Health, Sexuality, and Women in the New Millennium,” edited by Wendy Chavkin and Ellen Chesler, Rutgers University Press, November 2005.

* Please send comments to

Despite South Africa’s progressive Constitution women’s occupation of public and private spaces remains limited and constantly under siege, writes Carrie Shelver from People Opposing Women Abuse. "As we stood outside the court on the first day of the rape trial it was clear how even those of us gathered to support the complainant in the case were under siege, our space limited to a small cordoned off area. By contrast, the supporters of Zuma roamed and merged with bystanders all of whom were only occasionally pushed back by police."

Nyaradzai Mugaragumbo-Gumbonzvanda, Regional Programme Director for the United Nations Development Fund for Women in Eastern Africa, pays tribute to the everyday heroines of the African continent. It’s not only the women in parliament that need recognition, but also those in local authorities, in health boards, water boards, education committees, budget committees and in the home, she writes.

Rosemary called me five times this week encouraging me to write something for International Women’s Day, 2006. I was not sure what to write, say or dream about! Women in decision-making, public office, the numbers, the politics, the influence they have or do not have! I was not sure. I woke up inspired. Yes, I can indeed share my thoughts, dreams and give a eulogy to African heroines, and especially African women who continue to meet the challenges everyday, who are creating change and whose voices, views, energies and creativity is never recognized, counted or valued.

First a tribute is to my own mother, Rozaria, who gave birth to more than a dozen children, a 3rd grade graduate who sent us all to school, and lived as a widow for more than 27 years. She was never a parliamentarian or a councilor, but she was on 24-hour call in her community, supporting, contributing and advising. She sat in the local school board and was a leader in her local church. She met many, many, many challenges in life, but she also created change. She influenced the family, the community and the school. She died a leader and a queen of many hearts.

Through her work we continue to struggle for justice, for equality, for rights, for dignity and for a life free from want and fear.

Many women in Africa are like my own mother. They assert themselves within the space they have. They know what is good for their children, community and country and strive for the same. They are heroines whose names are inscribed in our hearts but whose leadership, wisdom and contribution is not counted nor recognized. We continue to wallow in the pain of the low numbers in parliament and in public office. If women are not in these public offices, they are in their houses and communities meeting the challenges and trying to make a difference. They are also trying to access public office! Just like every woman is a worker, every woman is a decision maker.

The question is how do we translate women’s skills, passion and commitment to public expression and presence in public office? Why do we have a fixation with the apex, instead of diffusing the power from the apex to the other and more important levels of governance?

Transformational leadership with women must equally be about changing the value base. It must be about the totality of women’s space and eulogizing every space in which women are making decisions. In public office, we must continue to struggle for gender parity, but not at the expense of celebrating where women are already trying to influence change and meeting many struggles.

On this international women’s day, I call on the recognition of women in decision-making beyond the numbers of women in parliament. I call on the world and Africa to measure where it matters most for women: women in local authorities, in health boards, water boards, education committees, budget committees. Since most women are the ministers of finance (some say “cashiers”) at home, why not in government, why not chair finance committees in parliament and in the local boards?

I give a tribute to every woman today, as you continue to make decisions about your family, your life and posterity. This happens in the face of discrimination, poverty, wars, HIV & AIDS and even exclusion. Women are carrying even more than half the sky, today; especially in the part of the world we call Africa.

* The writer is the Regional Programme Director for United Nations Development Fund for Women in Eastern Africa.

* Please send comments to

Pilgrimage to Self (http://pilgrimagetoself.blogspot.com/2006/03/honouring-african-women.ht…) honours the “Unheard Voices” of women who “keep the wheels of society and their community and indeed Africa well oiled and turning but who never get any sort of recognition for it.”

“This is for the woman who watches as her country is ravaged by war…This is for the woman who has been sold into marriage for sake of family, faith or tradition...This is for the woman who suffers abuse because of her colour, lifestyle, faith, opinion, background, ethnic group…This is for the woman looked down on because she has chosen to stay at home and look after her kids…This is for all of us who in one way or another are forgotten and maligned because of who we are – Women.”

Mshairi (http://www.mshairi.com/blog/2006/03/08/celebrating-women-international-…) chooses to honour Africa’s women musicians - Angelique Kidjo from Benin, Sibongile Khumalo from South Africa, queen of Taraab’ Zuhura Swaleh from Kenya, Cesaria Evora from Cape Verde and Mama Africa, Miriam Makeba from South Africa.

“These musicians have seen me through sad times and brought calmness, joy and contentment in my soul when these were lacking. Their powerful songs can bring tears to the eyes or a smile to my face, depending on the occasion.”

Weichegud! ET Politics - (http://weichegud.blogspot.com/2006/03/honoring-african-women.html) honours the mothers of Ethiopians whose children have been slaughtered.

“In the late 70s, during the bloody White Terror followed by even more bloodletting in the Red Terror, Ethiopian mothers buried their sons and daughters who were slaughtered in the name of a wanton revolution. They were forced to pay the government for the bullets that killed their children. And later, they dug up skulls and skeletons from mass graves and held belated funerals.”

Black Looks (http://okrasoup.typepad.com/black_looks/2006/03/honouring_afric.html) chooses to honour the women of the Niger Delta, especially Mrs Odua of the Egi Women’s Council.

“Mrs Odua was an activist and human rights defender who fought determinedly and without respite against unrestricted corporate power, state sponsored terror and the institutionalised tools of gender repression. She paid a high price for her activism and beliefs. Ostracised from her community, abandoned by her husband, disinherited by her in-laws. We should not underestimate the honesty and courage of women like Mrs Odua who resist the everyday oppressions in their own local communities.”

Zimbabwean Pundit (http://zimpundit.blogspot.com/2006/03/international-womens-day-honoring…) honours the women of Zimbabwe and Africa through the story of Grandmother Ambuya vaSekai, who is taking care of 5 young children, the eldest of whom is 6 years old. What happened to the parents of the children?

“Mzukuru (grandson), ambuya intoned, her voice breaking up as the emotion welled up inside of her, upenyu hwakaoma (life is hard). Vaurikuona ava ndivo vatova vana vangu (the infants you're looking at now my children). Vangu vekuzvara vasopera kare, amai vaChipo kadikidiki aka karimumaoko angu takavaviga pasina kana negore rese (All my offspring have long since died, you see Chipo over here, we buried her mom less than a year ago).”

Sisiogeblogs (http://sisioge.blogspot.com/2006/03/international-womens-day.html) chooses to honour those women why either by choice or enforced by biology, do not have children of their own. A mother herself, she writes:

“However, I also admire and remain in awe of the many brave women who make the decision not to dance to nature’s tune or tow the populist view by choosing not to give birth. The amazing thing about these women is that they often make great aunties, social mothers and surrogate mother’s alike.”

Adefunke on Adefunke (http://adefunke.blogspot.com/2006/03/celebrating-african-woman_08.html) chooses to honour the many women that have touched her life and in particular her mother, Princess.

“Widowed twice, she has managed to do a good job of raising two children, me and my 20 year old sister who has cerebral palsy. I learned the meaning of forgiveness as I watched her struggle with the hand fate dealt her. I learned the meaning of beauty as I watched her touch people with her kindness. I learned the meaning of perseverance as I watched her lovingly not give up on my sister.”

* Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks,

* Please send comments to [email protected]

As part of its new knowledge building and mentoring programme, the Conflict, Security and Development Group at King's College London is pleased to announce the establishment of Peace and Security Fellowships for African Women. The Fellowships are funded by the Sigrid Rausing Trust and will bring together African women at the early stages of their career to undertake a carefully designed training programme in conflict, security and development at the King's College London. This training will then be followed by an attachment to an African regional organisation or a centre of excellence to acquire practical experience. Ultimately, the project will train young African women to develop a better understanding of African peace and security issues in order to increase their participation in conflict management processes and other areas of security concerns for African women.

Aiding victims of sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, providing mother-and-child care in remote areas of Pakistan-administered Kashmir, giving courses to female detainees in Yemen to help them find their way in society after release - these are examples of the commitment shown by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to carefully assessing and meeting the specific needs of women in all aspects of its work. In the run-up to International Women's Day, ICRC President Jakob Kellenberger expressed his satisfaction that the organization's strategies and field operations increasingly reflected an awareness of the special problems, the particular vulnerabilities of women. Further progress was needed, he cautioned. "Assessing and meeting these special needs should become a spontaneous, automatic and lasting part of all our work."

A staggering response by ordinary South Africans to an appeal for sanitary pads for Zimbabwean women, hit by shortages and rocketing prices, has floored activists. "The appeal was made by South African 5FM radio at the beginning of the year. “When we went to collect the pads this week - we found every empty corner and space in their studio was crammed with sanitary pad packets with little notes from families, mothers and even school girls," said an emotional Lucia Matabenga, the first vice-president of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU). "We found notes which said this was an attempt to 'restore the dignity of Zimbabwean women - we are with you'. We are grateful; we are really grateful," she added.

Does the rise of women leaders in Jamaica, Liberia, Chile, and Germany prove the new rule, or the exception? The latest issue of OneWorld's online magazine takes an in-depth look at women's changing status worldwide.