This paper challenges assumptions about the automatic benefits of micro-finance for women. It argues that financial indicators of access - such as women's programme membership and size of loans - cannot be used as indicators of women's empowerment. High repayment levels by women do not necessarily indicate that women have used the loans themselves. Men may take the loans from women, or women may choose to invest the loans in men's activities.

This paper aims to clarify risks leading to displacement, risk factors during displacement and risks that inhibit safe and sustainable return. The authors look at protection solutions in the context of displacement and in situations of return. Tools are presented for assessing risks and for identifying good field practices that reduce the risks displaced and returnee women and girls confront.

The rape case against South Africa's former vice president Jacob Zuma is moving into its final days. Before the judge speaks, however, advocates of rape survivors say they are already discouraged by what they describe as the ordeal of the 31-year-old HIV-positive woman who is the complainant. "If I was raped, particularly by an acquaintance, I would not report it after this trial," said Liesl Gerntholtz, a lawyer specializing in rape and HIV/AIDS issues and executive director of the Johannesburg-based Tshwaranang Legal Advocacy Centre.
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* Demonstration in support of the Zuma complainant

The environment that surrounds refugee or internally displaced persons (IDP) camps, particularly in situations of ongoing conflict, is notoriously dangerous. Yet everyday, in hundreds of camps around the world, millions of women and girls venture out into this danger in order to collect enough firewood to cook for their families. The Women's Commission for Refugee Women and Children have initiated a project to investigate methods for reducing the vulnerability of displaced women and girls to gender-based violence during firewood collection.

More should be done to curb maternal deaths, which have continued to rise in Tanzania in the past decade despite efforts to reverse the trend, activists and officials have said. "It is a saddening reality, but still maternal deaths can be avoided," Ali Hassan Mwinyi, Tanzania's former president, told a rally held to commemorate women and girls who died due to childbirth and pregnancy complications. Citing Ministry of Health statistics, Mwinyi said maternal deaths increased from 529 out of every 100,000 birth in 1996 to 578 out of every 100,000 in 2005. "Such a level is very high and not acceptable," he said.

Women leaders in Kenya have vowed to seek top positions in all spheres. They unveiled the Kenya Women's Manifesto to guide them towards their goal. "We are prepared to take the risk of challenging the status quo and ready to face the complex challenges that accompany our aspiration to ascend to key positions of leadership, decision-making and development in a patriarchal society," said a statement issued to during a ceremony to launch the manifesto.

Depending on where you stand, you can be elated by Sudan's recent developments, or depressed by its flaws. With an annual economic growth of 7.2 per cent, it is currently one of the fastest growing economies in Africa. But the good tidings are only visible in its capital city, Khartoum. Beyond is a different twist of neglect, want and deprivation. By December last year, over 2.7 million people were still in need of external food aid in Darfur and vast parts of Southern Sudan. "The major sufferers in all these are women and children," says Neil Turner, Programme director with the Save the Children UK's Southern Sudan project.

In South Africa last week, events on International Women’s Day dramatically challenged us as a country to clarify the nature of leadership and power as well as their underlying values and principles, writes Pregs Govender in the Mail and Guardian newspaper in reference to the Jacob Zuma rape trial. "In our country, where violence against women and girls is widespread, a rape survivor used her democratic right to charge her alleged perpetrator, a very powerful man. For her courage she has paid a very high price. Her home has been burgled and ransacked twice, she and her mother have faced death threats, and she has lost her freedom as she has been forced to seek police protection."

The media should address the gender imbalances in news coverage and in the newsroom to draw a larger audience of women, urge activists. Fewer women were used as sources in news stories because men shaped decisions on coverage in most media organisations, according to a survey of 76 countries, including 13 in Southern African, conducted by various NGOs participating in the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP).

Women's Land Link Africa, a joint project of the Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE), the Huairou Commission, FAO, Southern and Eastern Africa and UN HABITAT, was proud to celebrate International Women's Day, 8 March, by launching its website, Although women's rights to land, housing and property are clearly recognized in laws at all levels, practically, there is a discernable gap between theory and practice of these laws.

Calls for abortion laws across Africa to be revised have dominated the first days of a meeting in Ethiopia – the ‘Regional Consultation on Unsafe Abortion in Africa’. This four-day conference, which ends Mar. 23, has been organised by Ipas and the Guttmacher Institute, both based in the United States. More than 140 researchers, key government officials, and health practitioners from 16 African countries have gathered in Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, to attend the consultation. Discussions are focusing on research into termination of pregnancy, and how the findings of inquiries can influence policy.

The International Rescue Committee currently seeks a GBV and Youth Advisor for its West Africa programs who will report to the Senior GBV TA and will participate in monthly conference calls with the Sr. GBV TA and the Child Youth Protection Development Director.

This report on “The Impact of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in Africa,” is from a seminar hosted by the Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR) in Cape Town, South Africa, and the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM)’s Southern and Central African Regional Offices The aim of the seminar was to review the progress of the implementation of the resolution in Africa in the five years since its adoption by the United Nations (UN) in 2000.

This meeting, held 26-30 March 2006, Mbabane, Swaziland, will explore, in depth, the dwindling vibrancy of the women’s movement in the Southern African Development Community and provide a road map towards its reinvigoration. Participants will engage in the situational analysis, examining the causes of the deteriorating vibrancy, proposing strategies and modalities to address this and collectively draw up an action plan with defined roles, responsibilities and timeframe for its implementation.

The sub-regional WILDAF office has just concluded a finance contract with the European Commission for a project on ‘‘good governance and women’s participation’’. Commenced in early January 2006, this project will last three years and 7 West African countries namely Benin, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Mali, Nigeria, Senegal and Togo will benefit from it. Its overall objective is to contribute to an effective participation of women in governance at local and national levels. Specifically, the project aims at building capacities of women in urban and rural areas to influence decisions, policies and programmes implemented by the authorities for a better consideration of the basic human rights of women and gender equity.

Ugandans voted last month for 69 special female members of parliament as part of the country's lauded gender affirmative-action program. But one prominent female politician says the 10-year-old system has failed to deliver legal gains for women. "Politics is generally seen as a game of the leaders, the affluent and the brave. And so it has never been the women's domain," said Zziwa, who belongs to the government party, the National Resistance Movement. Zziwa was first elected to the Ugandan parliament in 1996, along with 38 other women on a special gender ticket, after the government enshrined a system for boosting female representation as part of an ambitious program of affirmative action for women in all spheres of national affairs.

Green Earth Resources Network International and the Centre for Gender Studies at Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria present the international conference "Gender, poverty and environment in Africa: A challenge for African leaders" in Nigeria, 25-29 April 2006.

The Arab League has published the first ever encyclopedia stating the legal position of women's rights in the region. The book called: “The Situation of Women in Arab Legislations”, was put together to serve as fundamental reference guide to the legal status of women in Arab countries. “The purpose of this book is to serve as a reference for any individual interested in the legal status of women in any of the Arab League member states,” according to the Women’s Unit of the Cairo-based Arab League. The idea was welcomed by the Egyptian National Council for Women which called the book an “an excellent step” in expanding women’s rights in Arab countries.

A look at some of the activities held by women for International Women’s Day provides a telling account of how ongoing struggles continue to affect women's everyday lives as well as their abilities to live in safety, dignity, and peace. This past year we saw the election of the first female president in Africa, Ellen Johnson- Sirleaf of Liberia, as well as the electoral victory of feminist Michelle Bachelet in Chile. Women have taken huge steps forward in the public sphere and have worked hard to break down social, political, and cultural barriers. Yet women still face tremendous obstacles to equality all over the world. A look at some of the activities held by women for IWD provides a telling account of how ongoing struggles continue to affect women's everyday lives as well as their abilities to live in safety, dignity, and peace.

January 09 2005 marked the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the Southern People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Government of Sudan. This article, from Strategic Initiatives for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA) Network, which comprises 28 member organisations and advocates for social change and gender equality for women, assesses the lot of women one year after the CPA. In the field of employment, education and political participation, there remains a long way to go before the effects of war are overcome.

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement, signed on the 9th of January by both the Southern People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the National Congress, put an end to over 20 years of civil conflict responsible for the death of 1.5 million and the displacement of 4 million in South Sudan. Through the CPA, the Sudan Interim Constitution came into being, giving hope to the throngs of Southerners living as IDPs in Khartoum as well as those who remained in the South or fled to neighbouring countries.

In addition to giving the South autonomy and an option of secession within six years, the Interim Constitution ensures the rights of non-Muslims as being exempt from Shari'a law. It also affirms gender equality, stating that
"The state shall emancipate women from injustice, promote gender equality and encourage the role of women in family and public life"(Sudan Interim Constitution [15(2)])

But, one year later, what has really changed on the ground for the women of Sudan? A series of interviews related to a variety of issues indicates that change is slow, and women's rights continue to be violated on a number of levels. Women continue to be wrongly imprisoned, sexually harassed and marginalised whilst those in charge do nothing to ensure their safety.

A provision relating to Shari'a law according to the CPA stated that "parts of the constitution are to be re-written so that Shari'a does not apply to any non-Muslim throughout Sudan." In theory, under the Interim Constitution, Shari'a no longer applies to non-Muslims. The reality, however, is different. The application of Shari'a law in the North remains indiscriminate, with ambiguity reigning over how laws have changed and who is exempt. Those mainly affected are women working in the informal sector. Lacking an infrastructure of support, they are continually marginalised and targeted by the authorities.

A former alcohol brewer (who wishes to remain anonymous) spoke out to SIHA about the corruption and impunity that she has experienced whilst trying to maintain a living. This woman, originally from the Nuba Mountains, had wished to attend University after completing the Sudan Certificate, but due to the impoverished situation of her family she was forced to seek employment. For this reason, she began to brew and sell alcohol. She lived every day in fear of being arrested, and on a number of occasions was captured by the authorities.

After the signing of the CPA, she heard rumours that the living conditions of women in the informal sector would improve, but: "The situation got worse and I decided to give up brewing. Our houses are still invaded in the hope of finding alcohol, and violence is more prevalent." Fearing for her safety, this woman began to sell tea. However, as a tea lady she receives no added sanctuary or security. She has no license and continues to live in fear. "I just want to feed my family," she says.
The situation of this woman is common amongst IDPs living on the margins of society in Khartoum. Lacking viable income-generating options, many women are forced into the informal sector, with numerous women brewing and selling alcohol.

One of the main issues stunting the ability of these women to enter mainstream society is their lack of education. In the war-ravaged South, there are limited options for schooling. Those schools which do exist are not governmental institutions; rather they are run by volunteers and classified as 'Community Schools'. As IDPs return to their homelands, work is in place to build schools and train teachers. However, the situation for marginalised girls remains difficult; their education being neglected by both guardians and state.

Maha Jarrah is a teacher at the Nubrass Centre, Omdurman, which offers evening classes from the basic level up to the Sudan Certificate. The students, aged15 -50, failed to receive an education whilst they were growing up. "It is very difficult for some families to send their children to school," claims Maha. "Even if you attend a government school, parents need to find money to give their children books, pay for examinations and sometimes contribute toward maintaining the school and classroom equipment." These costs are a deterrent for families with limited means. Even though Maha claims that there are more girls entering school at the basic level, she says the reason for this is a higher birth rate amongst girls. In actual fact, when parents are unable to pay for their children's schooling, they are more willing to sacrifice their daughters', rather than their sons' education. This means that more girls are missing out on their basic education, and there is a higher drop-out rate amongst girls than boys.

Illiteracy is prevalent amongst youth, and it is promising to see so many young (and old) adults returning to gain an education at evening classes like those held at the Nubrass Centre. However, it is important that today's children of both sexes receive their education whilst growing up. It is stated in the Interim National Constitution that: "The state shall provide free primary education,” [44 (2)] but as a vast number of families are still unable to pay for their children (and predominantly, their girls') education, we are forced to wonder how committed this government really is to supplying all of it's children with an equal opportunity to receive a basic education.

Since the signing of the CPA one year ago, it has been the dream of many IDPs to return to the South. However, for the majority, it is proving difficult to make their dream a reality. As refugees are given support to return to the South from neighbouring countries, the story is different for IDPs residing in Khartoum. Opportunities exist for their return, and a number of people have grasped at chances of aid in returning home; yet many families lack the knowledge and ability to seek out these opportunities.

Amal was born and brought up in a village community in the Nuba Mountains. But, as the conflicts began to threaten her and her family, she sought refuge in Khartoum. Like the majority of people who fled the conflict, Amal resides on the outskirts of the city in squalid and over crowded conditions. As a Christian IDP living in Khartoum, she feels marginalised and discredited. Living in a dwelling made of cardboard and plastic sheets, she remains nostalgic about her home in the Nuba Mountains and is eager to return. Amal's husband has already returned to the Nuba Mountains with one of his sons. However, Amal and her remaining six children were left behind in Khartoum with no financial means of returning. Although she has employment as a cleaner and also works as a tea lady, Amal cannot afford the money for transport and so the family unit has been broken. Amal states that there is no infrastructure in place to help IDPs return to their homelands. Those who go do so through their own prerogative. Both the government of Sudan and the SPLM signed the CPA which stated that they would "Formulate a repatriation, resettlement, rehabilitation, reconstruction and development plan to address those areas affected by war", [1.5.4] but Amal remains unaware of any plan that can aid her in returning to her home.

A victory awarded to women through the CPA is the increase of female political participation. Through stating that: "The equal rights of men and women to the enjoyment of all civil and political rights set forth in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights…shall be ensured…", [CPA 1.6.2.16 (a)], the CPA is allowing women a window through which to voice their concerns. It is promising to note that the number of women politicians has increased within the Interim Government of Sudan. The number of female MPs has risen since the CPA to an all-time high of 25%. But will their participation in parliament make a difference to the voice of Sudanese women? As the situation currently stands, this remains to be seen.

* This article was compiled by Strategic Initiatives for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA) Network. SIHA is a network of civil society organisations from North and South Sudan, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somalia and Somaliland. Founded in 1995 by a collection of women's groups with the view of strengthening their capacity, SIHA has grown over the years and is now comprised of 28 member organisations. More information

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