She was born a Rwandan refugee in Uganda, where her parents herded cattle. A bright and determined student, she went to class under a tree using a borrowed identity, was smuggled across borders to continue her schooling, graduated from Uganda's Makerere University and studied law on a scholarship in Australia. But inevitably, she returned to Rwanda to work. Now 42, Justine Mbabazi has become one of the new female leaders in her homeland: a lawyer who drafted Rwanda's first legislation against gender-based violence, country director of the American Bar Association, and former executive director of a legal network that brought the rights of women to the forefront of national politics and played a critical role in the debate over a new constitution, reports The Washington Post.

This commentary from an editor at Eldis, the online development gateway, editor looks at women in politics across the world. With a particular focus on Liberia and Chile the entry considers the responsibilities facing female leaders and provides links for further information.

‘Broken bodies — Broken Dreams: Violence Against Women Exposed’ offers a powerful testimony of the different types of gender-based violence experienced by women and girls worldwide throughout their lives, through the use of photographs, individual case studies and illustrative text. The publication is part of OCHA/IRIN’s ongoing campaign to highlight the issues of violence against women through film, text and photography.

This report evaluates the implementation of the Strategy for Women and Gender Equality in Development Cooperation (the Strategy), and analyses how the development cooperation system, Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), Norad and the embassies in Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Zambia have organised their Women and Gender Equality (W&GE) efforts, and how this system interacts with and collaborates with external partners. This evaluation focuses on bilateral aid, primarily the institutional aspects, including organisation, resources, communication and decision-making.

The Codesria Gender Series aims to invigorate the African social sciences with debates that challenge conventional wisdom, received ideologies and gender stereotypes; and to showcase the best in African gender research. In the patriarchal world-view and male dominated cultures, literature and religion were seen as value-free and neutral, and not considered from a gendered perspective. Today, research is increasingly analysing the gender fault line in literature and religion.

Ever since she was a little girl, Martine had always dreamt of becoming a farmer. Yet these dreams were shattered when an unplanned pregnancy forced her to drop out of high school. Now 20, Martine is getting a second chance at learning. She is one of 120 girls participating in a pilot project for marginalized girls in rural areas of Cameroon. The project is run by UNESCO and the Rubisadt Foundation, an NGO promoting novel approaches to gender in science and technology education.

From 16th February until 8th March 2006, the World Association for Christian Communication (WACC) is organising 'Who Makes the News? Three Weeks of Global Action on Gender and the Media. Endorsed by both the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), the "Who Makes the News?" campaign aims to promote gender equality in the media by challenging the news media to take substantial and immediate action to ensure that they represent women and men in a fair and balanced way.

‘Women Testify: A Planning Guide for Popular Tribunals and Hearings’, is a comprehensive guide to organizing hearings and tribunals and is now available as the first online publication of the Center for Women’s Global Leadership. CWGL's extensive experience in organizing hearings during its 16 year history, notably the 1993 Global Tribunal on Violations of Women's Human Rights held at the UN World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna and the Global Campaign for Women's Human Rights in 1998, provide a basis for the guide and offer a detailed outline of plans and actions to help in organizing a successful event.

This Unifem handbook is aimed at those planning and executing disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR). It contains reflections and lessons learned, case studies from Liberia and Bougainville in Papua New Guinea, and practical guidance in the form of a model standard operating procedure.

Violence and repression directed against the world's minorities have struck hardest in Africa and war-affected areas of the Middle East, according to a report presented at the United Nations. Minority Rights Group International, a British advocacy organization, found that violence was targeted at religious, ethnic and other minority groups in three-quarters of the world's conflicts in 2005. "In every world region, minorities and indigenous peoples have been excluded, repressed and, in many cases, killed by their governments," Mark Lattimer, the group's executive director, told a press conference Thursday. "In war today, the targeting of minorities is no longer the exception, but has become the norm."

The people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) voted a resounding "yes" at their Constitutional Referendum held in December 2005. The results of the referendum, announced by the President of the Independent Electoral Commission in January this year, showed that women had turned out in significant numbers to cast their votes. 60% of all voters were women, and 72% of the more than 9 million women registered as voters chose to endorse their Constitution.

Mozambique has deposited its instrument of ratification of the protocol on the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa with the African Union on 30th December 2005. Mozambique is the 17th state that ratified the protocol (January 18). Burkina Faso and Guinea in West Africa will very shortly deposit their ratification instrument as their parliaments have respectively authorised it.

The outcome of the December 2005 Hong Kong Ministerial has been strongly criticized by civil society organizations and social movements for securing substantial concessions from developing countries while providing them with hardly anything in return. The Hong Kong text represents an empty package of commitments and development rhetoric that in fact will primarily benefit the global corporate agenda and select interests. As negotiators prepare for a follow-up Ministerial in March or April 2006, it is important to reflect on the outcome of the Hong Kong Ministerial and take stock of the concrete “measures” derived from it and their consequences for men and women in the developing world.

Are remittance flows gender-neutral? Does it matter if the people involved in these transactions are male or female? Do remittances reshape gender relations?

The people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) voted a resounding "yes" at their Constitutional Referendum held in December 2005. The referendum was the first time in decades that Congolese went to the polls to decide on their country's future. 60% of all voters were women, and 72% of the more than 9 million women registered as voters chose to endorse their Constitution. The strength of the female vote, and the increased participation of women during the constitutional process, points to the importance of taking into account the specific needs of women during electoral and constitutional processes.

The IRC Liberia GBV program currently implements a holistic set of services to respond to the needs of women who have experienced gender-based violence and works with all actors to minimise their vulnerability to ongoing violence. The GBV Coordinator will be responsible for providing strategic direction, leadership and technical assistance to the national program, developing new initiatives and liaising with key donors and stakeholders and transitioning the program from an emergency response program to one implemented within a community development framework.

Liberia's new president, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, came to power on a huge surge of support from women voters, hopeful that a woman leader would right some of the wrongs done to them during 14 years of civil war. One of her first pledges was to do something about the scourge of rape, using new legislation that came into force the day after her inauguration. A BBC report quotes her: "We will enforce without fear of favour the laws against rape recently passed by the national transitional legislation."

The Uganda Association of Women Lawyers (FIDA) in collaboration with International Centre for the Legal Protection of Human Rights (INTERIGHTS) will hold a workshop on Using International Law to Litigate Sexual and Domestic Violence Cases in Kampala from 27- 29 March 2006. The workshop, which will focus on sexual and domestic violence, will consider ways in which such violence can be addressed through litigation, particularly by reference to regional and international instruments and mechanisms.

The recently concluded general elections and the appointment of the new cabinet have attracted mixed reviews. In particular, gender activists and progressive voices laud the unprecedented appointment of women holding key posts in the cabinet as a positive development. Hongera to all appointees! Skeptics, on their part, are crossing their fingers waiting for one faux pas to criticize the President for his audacious move.

And what do I say to all this? For those who have watched Boyz in the Hood, there is a line that I will make reference to in putting this historic feat in its proper perspective. The line is uttered by Angela Basset to Laurence Fishburn, the father of her son Trey, who unlike many black men in the projects has chosen to be involved in the upbringing of his son and wanted some recognition from his ex. She informed him that he is far from special since what he is doing is what women have done for centuries without accolade. Indeed, women have led families and communities - clothed them, fed them, educated them and cared for them with little appreciation from society or the government.

But I will be more generous and credit President Kikwete for being bold in actually being the President who had enough courage and confidence to do what his predecessors thought was unthinkable or perhaps unpalatable for the masses. And he scores highly. But more can be done. For instance, since it is not only women in public office that matter, what about the home front: Is our first lady apt to represent us? What about the wives of the other big shots in government, since this empowerment has to start at home lest the appointments are not seen as genuine but token gestures, albeit with weight.

Also, Tanzania is yet to ratify the African Union’s Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa when countries without a history of progressive legislation with regards to women, like Mauritania, have. The Protocol offers great opportunity for women to push for the realization of gender equality in national laws. How can we continue thus when our very own Getrude Mongella is the president of the Pan African Parliament?

Indeed, the general elections 2005 have recorded important milestones for women in Tanzania. More women stood as candidates, not just in their traditional roles as supporters. In some respects they provided a good challenge to male figures. (Hon. Mary Nagu successfully contested against the outgoing Prime Minister, Fredrick Sumaye, in Hanang constituency, such that the latter decided to gracefully withdraw his name. Hon. Daniel Yona was not so lucky and was given a run by Hon. Anne Kilango.)

It is however notable that during the race, most political parties did not give a lot of visibility to women. Only two parties had female running mates, NCCR Mageuzi and CHADEMA, the latter only after the death of his first running mate. Only one party stood as a female candidate. It was perhaps at the constituencies that women were expected to rise up, and to a certain extent their performance is not bad. In fact it could have been better if bribes and education were not the determining factor in approving candidacy. Thus in a Parliament of 319, at present there are 97 women. Of these 75 are special seats, 3 are presidential appointments and 2 are from the Zanzibar House of Representative.

It is disconcerting that of the six female ministers, only two successfully got elected into parliament by contesting in their constituencies. The rest, including long-term political figures, have not been able to secure the vote of the electorate and are elected into the government by virtue of nomination or presidential appointment. This indicates that whereas these women are renowned at national and international levels, they are yet to gain the confidence of local populations. There is thus more work to be done in raising the profile of women candidates at the local levels. Conversely it indicates how key affirmative action measures are in guaranteeing that women will get access to positions of influence otherwise closed to them on account of sexist attitudes or political naiveté.

This did, however, not spell doom as elected officials of the new parliament began the first coup by electing the first female deputy speaker in the person of Anna Makinda, a long term politician and former minister and regional commissioner. She was unopposed. Perhaps this gave the new president the confidence to outdo parliament by electing 6 women in key cabinet positions like foreign affairs, finance, constitutional affairs, education, president’s office and community development. He appointed even more deputy ministers who are women, also in key ministries. It therefore remains to be seen how the public will judge these women compared to the male personalities that have occupied the seats of power since independence.

Activists can take comfort knowing that the president went out of his way to attract a cabinet with women who have been civically engaged. Dr. Asha Rose Migiro for example is a lawyer, who has a history in the women’s movement as well as in efforts to build a strong civic culture. Ms. Sitta on the other hand is an educationalist with a long history in the Teachers’ Union as well as in teaching. The president thus scores highly in electing women who are seasoned leaders and champions of rights, which should dispel any thought that these women were purely rewarded for some favour, without taking into consideration their competence.

What is worrisome, however, is whether they can maintain their feisty spirit once in office where bureaucracy and “politics” dictate performance. We know, for example, from the Kibaki government in Kenya, that upon assuming legislative or administrative positions many activists who came from Kenyan civil society and were invited to join the government became subdued and could no longer take on the government the way they did when operating from the outside. Effectively, their appointment is an effective way to appease or neutralize them since they now are sworn to the office and “collective responsibility”, not the voters. Of course the situation in Tanzania has an added dimension of unwavering loyalty to the party and its manifesto, which is more paramount than any nationalistic fervour.

Already there are worrying signs as to how much revolution these women will muster once in office. The party manifesto is clear, as is the existing policy framework, which intends to continue the same trend of neo-liberal expansion and accumulation adopted with the economic liberalization agenda in the early nineties. The Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Dr. Asha Rose Migiro, has already indicated that her priority will be economic diplomacy. We can make our own conclusions as to what this means. Nonetheless, what implication will this have on socio-economic and socio-cultural rights which she has been working on and which without doubt were key issues at the Ministry of Community Development, Gender and Children where she last served? Also, will this compromise the rights of local producers, a key concern for women and social justice groups in the recently concluded Hong Kong Ministerial?

Hon. Zakia Meghji has been appointed to head finance. She comes from a successful spin at the Ministry of Tourism where she recorded key gains in publicizing Tanzania as an important tourist destination, encouraged ecotourism and local tourism. She is one of the senior ministers as this will be the third government she serves under. Nevertheless, there is great concern about the vices of the tourism industry and its impact on women - low wages with little labour protections, prostitution and loss of livelihood in some areas where tourist hotels have been established.. More importantly, how does this history influence budgetary allocations in the future? Certainly, gender activists would like to see more allocation to social services, especially to reproductive health, education and water.

What is my role and others like me after the jubilation in closing in on the seat of power? Often times, as activists we have not been as critical of our own when they come to positions of power. Also we have not been as helpful to them, thinking that they are better placed to help our cause and us. We do not recognize that while the positions mean these women are well connected, they may need us more than ever to provide them with vital information in key policy areas: to be their extra pair of eyes, ears and heart, so to speak. It is therefore a defining moment for all of us.

Our biggest challenge is whether we will be courageous enough to demand the same level of performance and accountability from our sisters and colleagues as we do from those who seem opposed to our doctrines. We should be brave to criticize where needed and praise where warranted. We can no longer afford to be content thinking that since she is “one of us” our business is in good hands. We also cannot afford to be silenced by a sense of loyalty to a sister, a friend, a relative, or a comrade when there are bigger issues at stake. In fact these friends depend on us to give them the reality check they need to remain sane and committed, a luxury public office does not always afford. Certainly, the experiences in South America with the left, as well as the experience in Kenya, underscore that as activists we can’t afford to drop our guard.

Importantly, we have an obligation to the citizens of our country. This is the only truth we can’t afford to loose sight of. Similarly, we have for decades, if not centuries, called for an even playing field, for similar treatment and opportunity. Slowly, our voices are being heard and the doors of leadership are creaking open. We must therefore ensure that women can indeed make a difference once in office, a difference that is seen and felt in action, in culture and in impact. Certainly, if we want more women to be considered for leadership positions in the future we have to create a positive impression all round lest we fall victims to the “See, women can’t lead” rejoinder.

* Salma Maoulidi has an LLM in Law from Georgetown Law. Affiliated to the women's national and transnational movement with a strong interest in social justice issues and development, she is currently heading a women's development network, Sahiba Sisters Foundation, that aims at building the leadership and organizational capacities of women and youth in Tanzania.

* Please send comments to [email protected]

This event is organised by the Ahfad University for Women, the Babikar Badri Scientific Association for Women, the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights Coalition and in collaboration with the Women, Gender and Development Directorate of the African Union Commission. It seeks to share continental progress on the ratification of the African Union Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women and current initiatives towards implementation of the Protocol.