The incumbent will work to improve awareness and accountability for human rights violations against women in sub-Saharan Africa by, among other things, conducting fact-finding missions; writing and publicizing reports; and developing and implementing strategies to change abusive laws, policies, and practices.

Coalition Members

African Centre for Democracy And Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS), Akina Mama wa Afrika, Association des Juristes Maliennes, Cellule de Coordination sur les Pratiques Traditionelle Affectant la Sante des Femmes et des Enfants, Coalition on Violence Against Women, Equality Now-Africa Regional Office, FAHAMU, FAMEDEV-Inter-African Network For Women, Media, Gender and Development, FEMNET - African Women's Development and Communication Network, Foundation for Community Development, Inter-African Committee on Harmful Traditional Practices (IAC), Oxfam GB, Sister Namibia, Union Nationale des Femmes de Djibouti, Voix de Femmes, University of Pretoria Center for Human Rights, Women's Rights Advancement and Protection Alternatives, Women in Law and Development in Africa (WiLDAF)

Burkina Faso

After the authorization for the ratification of the Protocol was given by the National Assembly on 20th May 2005, the finalization of the administrative procedure for the deposit of the instrument of ratification at the African Union is still pending. While waiting for this, the Association Voix des Femmes, a SOAWR member, is undertaking several activities aimed at popularizing the contents of the Protocol, enhancing the participation of women in local politics and coming up with strategies to make the Protocol a reality at the level of the judiciary and the whole society. In this regard, a televised debate around the Protocol took place in August 2005 and brought together representatives of several women's associations. This provided the opportunity to discuss the evolution of the process of ratification by questioning the structures that are charged with this task, provide information on the Protocol as it compares to the existing legal texts and also for the benefit of the associations present, and to make known the actions undertaken in the context of their work with a view to making the Protocol effective. The program was so well received that a retransmission has been requested and will be made in September.

Cape Verde

Cape Verde deposited its instrument of ratification on 22nd July, becoming the 12th country to ratify the Protocol.

Djibouti

Besides the finalization of the activities mentioned in the last update, UNFD has continued undertaking activities on the promotion and protection of the rights of women based on the Protocol. UNFD's action is spread out on several key areas covered under the Maputo Protocol and are aimed at improving the living conditions of Djiboutian women, in areas such as education and health. Regarding the last issue, several programs consisting of sensitizing, prevention strategies and supporting the urban as well as the city dwellers with regard to HIV/AIDS is on course for the year 2005-2006. Similarly, UNFD has undertaken several actions of sensitization on a continuous basis to fight against the continuation of the practice of FGM in the whole country. Parallel to the action of civil society activists with whom she works in close collaboration, the Minister for Promotion of Women and Family Affairs plans to undertake in the coming months the first assessment of the general status of women in Djibouti. The first step is to undertake a status audit of the national legal texts that relate to the protection of the rights of women and the family. More precisely, this study will have as an objective to establish the conformity or lack thereof of the national law of Djibouti with the texts and conventions that have been ratified by the Republic of Djibouti and which then form an integral part of its collection of laws. As such, the outcome of the study will contribute to and facilitate the domestication of the Maputo Protocol into Djibouti national law. The desk research will be accompanied by the organization of preparatory workshops in the whole country (including the rural zones) aimed at itemizing the totality of issues that could slow the empowerment of women, especially within the framework of their domestic, social and professional life. The outcome of the study will be put in use in February 2006.

The Gambia

On 6th September, The Gambia deposited its instrument of ratification becoming the 13th country to have ratified it. SOAWR released a press communiqué to highlight the progress towards the coming into force of the Protocol and urged the remaining 40 countries to expedite their ratifications.

The African Center for Democratic and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS) has continued carrying on sensitization of the Protocol. It has distributed the Arabic translation of the Protocol amongst the Muslim community and is encouraged by the response. ACDHRS intends to carry out a campaign for the review of the reservations entered by the Gambia. It has involved a larger coalition of people in the Protocol campaign.

Republic of Guinea

The Republic of Guinea has already ratified the Protocol to the African Charter through a vote in the National Assembly in 2004 but has not to-date deposited its instrument of ratification at the African Union. CPTAFE has continued to undertake activities aimed at informing and sensitizing the population on the content of the Protocol and its socio-political values and its applicability in their lives; and lobbying the government to officially deposit its ratification. More specifically, CPTAFE undertook the following activities:-

? Two transmissions on radio and TV during which several personalities commented on the Protocol and its potential positive impact on the improvement of conditions of the lives of women in Africa.
? A procession of young girls marched through the city of Conakry on 27th August (the National Day of Women) chanting slogans in favor of the Protocol.
? Face to face lobbying amongst the decision makers :-
o Ministry of Social Affairs and the Promotion of Women and Children
o Ministry of Foreign Affairs o Ministry of Interior and Decentralization
o Speaker of the National Assembly

In the light of the delay in the depositing of Guinea's ratification, CPTAFE reached out to the First Lady who committed to make a solemn declaration in favor of the Protocol at a dinner that will be organized by CPTAFE on 14th September 2005. CPTAFE anticipates that this would have the desired effect of mobilizing the decision makers into action.

Kenya

COVAW and Equality Now discussed and generated advocacy plans (to be implemented by COVAW with support from Equality Now) to encourage the Kenyan government to ratify the Protocol which included staging a demonstration on 29th September 2005, the date that the AUC has scheduled to celebrate Pan-African women's Day, various meetings with MPs, media interventions such as speaking on talk shows and generating advocacy material. Subsequently, a joint meeting with the Director for Gender Affairs Department was held to find out about the status of Kenya's ratification. Unfortunately the Director was newly appointed and did not have updated information and hence was briefed. A future date for follow-up was scheduled. Equality Now, in addition, solicited the intervention of a couple of key officials: (a) the Chair of the Kenya Women Parliamentary Association (KEWOPA), Honorable Beth Tett, who was keen to know more about the campaign and help with the ratification process. Equality Now subsequently sent her a package of information.. Honorable Tett, who is also the Assistant Minister for Local Governments, expressed interest in involving KEWOPA in the awareness and sensitization process and indicated that she might call on Equality Now and other SOAWR members to make a presentation to its members on the campaign. (b) Hon Linah Kilimo, Minister for Immigration Affairs, who is an anti-FGM activist and has been at the center of pushing for Kenya's ratification in September 2004 when she hosted an international conference on FGM in Nairobi. Hon. Kilimo also expressed support and indicated she would raise the matter with the relevant government officials.

The Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNHRC) has also taken a keen interest on the ratification of the Protocol. One of the Commissioners has made contact with the Minister for Gender and is scheduled to follow up with him so as to get the government commitment to ratification before the end of September. COVAW and Equality Now have been following closely KNCHR's initiative.

Equality Now also received communication from the government with a positive response that Kenya's ratification might be a reality soon.

At the beginning of September, Equality Now's Africa Regional Director made a presentation at a regional training in Nairobi on the Equal Status and Human Rights of Women in East Africa, organized by the Education Center for Women in Democracy (ECWD) and the Swedish Raoul Wallenberg Institute of Human Rights. The conference brought together 25 human rights activists from Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. She shared with them the history of the Protocol, what it offers African women, and discussed the campaign for the popularization, ratification and domestication of the Protocol. Following group discussions, the participants generated several action steps that they hopped to undertake back home. Their focus was to push for the ratification by their countries (with the exception of Rwanda which already ratified it) and to build up momentum on popularization and public outreach activities starting off with their own organizations.

Mauritania

The recent coup d'etat in Mauritania is likely to affect the progress of the ratification process. However, Equality Now sent a letter to the President with a red card enclosed and urged for the process to be completed soonest.

Nigeria
WRAPA Secretary General, Saudatu Mahdi, and Ms Chibogwu Obinwa of BAOBAB for Women's Human Rights amongst other African women participated in a global consultation on ratification and use of the Optional Protocol of CEDAW which was hosted by the International Women's Rights Action Watch-Asia Pacific (IWRAW) from August 27- 30th, 2005 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Mahdi presented a paper on "Ratification of the Optional Protocol to CEDAW: Strategies and Challenges in Nigeria" among others bringing out issues such as:
(a) high turnover of elected/appointed leadership and government functionaries without political ideology that is gender oriented which jeopardizes any gains made;
(b) national gender machineries and women groups which lack adequate expertise and technological support for programming, literature and comparative experiences to effectively implement their mandate; and
(c) strong opposition to gender related reforms or laws which has created a distance between those who would ordinarily lend support to the cause of CEDAW and its mechanisms in fear of negative social and religious labeling.

The paper also outlines strategies applied in pushing for ratification of the Optional Protocol to CEDAW and lessons learnt which would come in handy for advocacy around the domestication of the African Women's Protocol.

Saudatu anticipates that the same challenges would be faced in the efforts to domesticate and implement the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa as Nigerian activists prepare for advocacy to effect domestication. However, while CEDAW as an international law might be viewed with apprehension for the changes it portends and perceived as an incursion based on its 'external' origins and the intentions of its authors; the African Women's Protocol might stand a better chance of acceptability in coming out as an African initiative to right the wrong done onto women. Borrowing from the success of the SOAWR campaign, the creation of an Africa CEDAW Coalition was proposed to take charge of pressuring African countries to ratify and implement CEDAW.

WRAPA has continued to work on popularization of the African Women's Protocol through the media. WRAPA has also been working on cultivating good relationship with the new Minister for Gender updating her on the past collaboration with the Ministry around the campaign for the ratification of the Protocol and the additional work remaining to be completed.

Togo

On 27 July 2005, the Council of Ministers adopted a bill approving ratification of the Protocol. (WiLDAF West Africa). Togo currently holds a Yellow card.

Uganda

Equality Now received a response from the Legal Counsel of the President who seemed eager to assist in securing his country's ratification. Equality Now wrote back and urged him to get in touch with Akina Mama Wa Afrika (AMWA). AMWA has since received contact and is following up with the Legal Counsel.

Zambia

On 3rd August 2005, Zambia became the 38th country to sign the Protocol. On Behalf of SOAWR Equality Now issued a press release highlighting it and urged the Zambian government to make the critical step of ratification. The press release also called for more countries to move on in delivering their commitment to African women.

Zimbabwe

WiLDAF Regional Office has taken every opportunity to relate the Protocol to all its work, especially the linkages between CEDAW, the SADC Gender Declaration and the African Women's Protocol. At a meeting of SADC NGOs held in Botswana before the SADC Summit, the WiLDAF representative made a presentation on constitutional and legal rights of women within SADC countries in which she pointed out that the provisions of the Protocol take the issue of women's rights a major step further for all of us. She decried the slow pace of ratification by SADC members (to date only four countries - Malawi, Namibia, Lesotho and South Africa - of the 14 SADC member states have ratified.)

WiLDAF is issuing a newsletter in September addressing violence against women with reference to the Protocol. There is unfortunately not enough awareness on the Protocol and its implications for the advancement of the rights of women. WiLDAF believes that women cannot claim rights that they are not fully aware of. As such, capacity building and sensitization/awareness creation are critical components of WiLDAF's campaign. WiLDAF has therefore developed a program to create more awareness among NGOs in SADC countries on the importance of having the Protocol ratified, domesticated and implemented. This will be done in all SADC countries that have not yet ratified the Protocol. It also includes the development of a simple document on the Protocol to be used in legal rights education programs. These programs will be carried out by members of the WiLDAF network as soon as funds are secured.

In 2000, 189 world leaders signed the Millennium Declaration and committed to "free all men, women and children from the abject and dehumanizing conditions of extreme poverty". As a result eight Millennium Development Goals were formulated with a target to half poverty by 2015. The 2005 World Summit of the UN General Assembly will be held from 14-16 September to review progress towards these goals. Karoline Kemp examines what the MDGs say about gender and how they relate to African women.

“Without progress towards gender equality and the empowerment of women, none of the MDGs will be achieved.” - From the Gender Equality & the Millennium Development Goals website

Source: http://www.mdgender.net/resources/monograph_detail.php?MonographID=21

What do the Millennium Development goals say about gender?

The framework of the MDGs is comprised of 8 goals, 18 targets and 48 indicators. Although the achievement of all goals will benefit women both indirectly and directly, there are a number of objectives that pertain specifically to gender. Goal 3 aims to “promote gender equality and empower women.” The target is to “eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and in all levels of education no later than 2015.” The indicators for this particular goal include the ratio of girls to boys in primary, secondary and tertiary education; the ratio of literate women to men, 15 to 24 years old; the share of women in wage employment in the non-agricultural sector; and the proportion of seats held by women in national parliament. In addition, the MDGs endeavor to improve maternal health, by reducing “by three quarters, between 1990 and 2015, the maternal mortality ratio” (Goal 5). The attempts to combat HIV/AIDS (Goal 6) also make special note of women, as gender equality cannot be reached in environments affected by the pandemic. Key indicators include the HIV prevalence among pregnant women aged 15-24 years and contraceptive prevalence rates, among others.

Source: http://unstats.un.org/unsd/mi/mi_goals.asp

What is the status in Africa on the progress of these particular goals?

There are a number of ways of measuring the MDGs goals for girls and women, and the level of education for girls is one of these. UNDP statistics show that there has been a decline in the gap between girls’ and boys’ enrolment ratios for primary schools in the 1990s, and by 2000 the proportion of girls to boys in primary schools was over 90% in more than half of the countries in Africa. In some areas the enrolment of girls is greater than that of boys’, while in other countries these numbers are much lower (one third or below). Female literacy is yet another way to measure the MDGs as they relate to gender. In Africa, the rates for female literacy rose in proportion to male literacy throughout the 1990s. While many improvements have been made in these areas, the MDG targets for female enrolment and literacy will not be made by their desired date.

Source: http://www.undp.org/mdg/mdgreportinafrica.pdf

The number of women in wage earning employment (non-agricultural) has risen only nominally in Africa, increasing from 31.5% to 35.8% over the years 1990 to 2003 in Sub-Saharan Africa and 18.9% to 21.5% in Northern Africa. There are a number of reasons for this, but the low integration of women into the monetary economy as compared to men is directly related to educational opportunities. In addition, the disproportionate representation of women in the informal economy and as unpaid laborers contributes to these numbers, which are directly affected by socio-cultural and political attitudes towards women.

Involvement of women in parliamentary seats is a measurable statistic of gender equality and women’s empowerment. According to the UNDP, these numbers have increased in Africa between the years 1990 and 2005. In Sub-Saharan Africa the percentage of women in parliamentary seats in the single or lower house only increased from 7.2% to 9.0% in 1997 and have finally reached 14.2%. In Northern Africa these percentages have been 2.6, 1.8 and 8.5, respectively. Some African countries have made provisions to enforce quotas in regards to the numbers of women in parliament, which has resulted in a number of countries with high numbers of women in government. This involvement is important to reaching MDGs because women in these positions have the potential to influence policy making.

Source: http://unstats.un.org/unsd/mi/goals_2005/goal_3.pdf

Maternal health is another measurable statistic, and UNDP reports show that in Sub-Saharan Africa, problems in pregnancy and childbirth cause the death of at least 250 000 women each year, which is the highest in the world. High fertility rates and the low rate of care by skilled health providers during pregnancy and births remain impediments to the goal of decreasing maternal deaths, which will most likely not be met by its projected date.

The pandemic of HIV/AIDS has many effects, least of all its consequences for women and their families. Of the over 40 million people living with HIV, more than half are in Africa, and at least three quarters of AIDS related deaths occur in Sub-Saharan Africa. Women who are poor, or have little or no education - those without much power in society – are most vulnerable, and in many parts of Africa, teenage girls are at a proportionately higher level of risk. While some African countries are combating the pandemic with education, a crucial part of its elimination, others face a wall of silence perpetuated by “silence, shame, stigma and superstition.” This is one area of the MDGs that will most definitely not meet its targets - even if new infection rates drop, as many as half of the young people in the most seriously affected areas of Africa face the risk of AIDS related deaths. Indeed, the pandemic has not only become the leading cause of death in Africa, it has reversed the development of many of its countries.

Source: http://www.undp.org/mdg/mdgreportinafrica.pdf

How do these specific goals relate to the women of Africa?

While it is key that gender equality and the empowerment of women are featured prominently in any undertaking towards development, and that these issues are addressed in the Millennium Development Goals, some would argue that they do not go far enough. Hilda Tadria, Senior Regional Advisor for the African Center for Gender and Development at the UN Economic Commission for Africa offers her critiques in an interview with the Development Gateway. She maintains that the largest challenge in achieving gender equality has more to do with socially accepted cultural beliefs and ideologies that uphold male privilege than with educational or economic goals. The goals will only be met once the interdependent and related inequalities of gender, such as unequal power relations and violence are addressed. These two examples alone may be said to be at the root of unequal access to resources, which can then potentially create dependence and poverty, and can lead to abuse in any number of manners. Tadria argues that if gender were key to the MDGs then each target would include gender related issues, and that while judging the access of girls and women to education and government may be some indication of equality, it does not go far enough. She proposes that all of the Millennium Development Goals would be met more successfully if they attempted to reinforce women’s rights in regards to property ownership, control of reproductive rights and freedom from violence.

Source: http://old.developmentgateway.org/node/130685/special/gender/InterviewH…

The 2005 World Summit of the UN General Assembly will be held from 14-16 September. What will be its impact on the MDGs?

This summit aims to review progress since the Millennium Declaration, which was adopted by Member States in 2000. Policy decisions and reforms necessary for movement on these goals will be undertaken with the hope of revitalizing the MDGs. Priority areas for action include the development of national development strategies, each taking into account the clusters of policy, which include gender equality, the environment, rural development, urban development, health systems, education and science, technology and innovation.

In addition, financial assistance to development must be addressed, specifically by the meeting of pledges already offered by donor countries. In terms of trade, the Doha negations should be fulfilled, with Member States providing duty and quota free market access for all exports to Least Developed Countries. Debt Relief is also a priority, with the goal of reaching 2015 without an increase in debt ratios. Other goals include the efforts made to prevent terrorism, disarmament and non-proliferation, reduction in prevalence and risk of war and the adoption of a resolution to set out principles for use of force. The right of freedom to live in dignity will be met through the policies of the “responsibility to protect,” the increase of human rights bodies and the implementation of a Democracy Fund. In addition, the goal of strengthening the United Nations will be addressed, specifically through reform towards the adaptations to the needs and circumstances of the 21st century.

Source: http://www.un.org/largerfreedom/summary.html

* Compiled by Karoline Kemp, an intern with Fahamu.

* Please send comments to [email protected]

Macro-economic reform, armed conflict and weak democratic political institutions are some of the limitations to enacting laws that protect women. A strong political will by African governments against these forces is crucial for the enforcement of laws that protect women, writes Eve Odete.

On 6 September 2005, the Gambia ratified the Africa Union Protocol on the Rights of African Women, bringing to 13 the number of countries that have ratified this landmark legislation on the rights of women in Africa. With only two more country ratifications required to bring the protocol into force, the next crucial phase in the first step to the realization of the rights of women in Africa is domestication of the law, and the prerequisite for this is political will within African states, for change.

At the twilight of the coming to force of the protocol, African civil society organisations and women’s movements join the African Union, together with progressive states, to welcome an African legal instrument that dangles to the over 400 million women in Africa the promise of social, cultural, economic, and political emancipation. The protocol, like its forerunner the Africa Charter on Peoples’ Rights, stands to swing African governments into action on creating platforms for addressing the rights of women in relation to food security, equal access to and full participation in power structures and decision-making, equal access to education and training, reproductive rights and access to health and the all important right to land, property and credit.

Africa is replete with civil society and women’s movements working with governments to create new policies, national action plans and legislation to protect the rights of women. Efforts in Botswana, South Africa, Uganda, Ghana, Kenya, Namibia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Kenya have seen governments work very closely with coalitions of civil society organisations in developing national action plans for women. These efforts have largely been the result of intense pressure and lobbying by civil society through mass education on women’s rights, solidarity-building and lobbying governments for policy space within national structures.

The success in these efforts vary largely across Africa, but characteristically, the extent to which these action plans (e.g Beijing Plan of Action) and the domestic and international legislation ( e.g CEDAW) have been translated into real programmes with clear policy outcomes for African women is minimal. Budgets for women’s programmes remain insignificant as the agencies that are created or expanded to implement gender programmes remain under-resourced. Specific policy pronouncements have been made in relation to women’s right to property, participation in decision-making, and safety nets for vulnerable groups against the impact of harsh macro-economic policies. These have remained on government policy papers and on the lips of the agitating groups. They have lacked in time-bound targets and benchmarks for monitoring. The role of NGOs in the consultation and agenda setting has been nebulous as most structures for such engagement have remained unclear and un-funded even when these have been clearly spelled out in legislation.

Limitations in enacting laws that seek to protect women range from the harsh realities of macro-economic programmes, devastation of armed conflict, the emergence of counter social forces opposed to women’s rights, weaknesses of democratic political institutions, the weakness of a vigorous civil society and the lack of political will. A strong political will by African governments against these forces is therefore an imperative for the enforcement of laws that protect women. In the absence of a counter civil force that keeps the agenda of women alive on the policy platform, governments are want to sweep such legislation under the political carpet.

Way back in March 1995 in Lome, Togo, civil society and women’s movements began to scale the typical socio-political and economic hurdles to see the protocol established. They continue to lobby African governments to finally bring it into force. Against the signatures and ratifications is a fragile political will by national governments that this third force, the civil society organisations and women’s movements, must keep afloat.

* Eve Odete is Pan Africa Policy Officer, Oxfam GB.

* Please send comments to [email protected]

If women are to participate fully in brokering peace, in decision making, and in post conflict reconstruction, it is imperative that they work in partnership with all forms of media at their disposal to raise awareness, to ensure participation of women of all ages, to influence policy decisions, and to ensure accountability on the part of governments, NGOs, and international organizations, writes Amie Joof- Colé.

West Africa has experienced and is still experiencing very high levels of conflict, especially intra-state conflict. The conflicts have had a devastating effect on the African people, causing drops in political, economic and social development, and continuous instability for both the states concerned and the continent as a whole.

In the late eighties conflict erupted in Liberia, which lasted for almost a decade and signalled the advent of Charles Taylor, who exported war to Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone witnessed one of the most gruesome civil crises ever seen in the West African sub-region. Not only had it recorded the most gruesome murder and mutilation of civilians by the rebel factions, it had also displaced a significant number of the nation's population, most especially women and children, some of whom are yet to return as they continue to receive rations as refugees in the neighbouring countries of Guinea Conakry and The Gambia. Ivory Coast, a former bastion of democracy in Africa, is today the epicentre of crisis in the region.

Politically, the West African sub- region is prone to crises, with almost all its countries, with the exception of Senegal and Cape Verde, having experienced military coup d'etat. One can say that taking West Africa as a whole, the military regimes that emerged ended up being even worse than the civilian governments that they overthrew. Consequently, the sub-region is confronted with economic crises, indebtedness, poverty, political instability, disease, and frequent human rights violations.

Women and children are often among those most acutely affected by conflict, though they frequently have little or no role in creating the situations in which they find themselves. It is important to consider what impact conflict has on women's lives in practical terms.

Article 10 of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa puts emphasis on the right to peace. It states:

1. Women have the right to a peaceful existence and the right to participate in the promotion and maintenance of peace.
2. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure the increased participation of women:
a) in programmes of education for peace and a culture of peace;
b) in the structures and processes for conflict prevention, management and resolution at local, national, regional, continental and international levels;
c) in the local, national, regional, continental and international decision making structures to ensure physical, psychological, social and legal protection of asylum seekers, refugees, returnees and displaced persons, in particular women;
d) in all levels of the structures established for the management of camps and settlements for asylum seekers, refugees, returnees and displaced persons, in particular, women;
e) in all aspects of planning, formulation and implementation of post-conflict reconstruction and rehabilitation.
3. States Parties shall take the necessary measures to reduce military expenditure significantly in favour of spending on social development in general, and the promotion of women in particular.

Women as involuntary and voluntary participants in hostilities??

Few women who participate in conflicts do so by choice. In many cases, women are abducted by soldiers to be used as "sex slaves", cooks and cleaners in the camps. During their abductions, women are frequently subjected to physical abuse, sexual abuse, torture and even killings. Sometimes when opposing forces attack, these same women are abducted again.?

It would be a mistake, however, to believe that women are always innocent bystanders to conflict. When it comes to infiltration and attacks, some groups prefer using women because they are less suspicious, they are not always subjected to body searches, and they can wear devices beneath their ?clothes and appear pregnant. Women may also take part in hostilities by providing men with the moral support needed to wage war. They can also be useful providers of information in relation to the enemy's position or strategies.

Women as civilians ?

Most women experience the effects of armed conflicts as part of the civilian population. Women and girls (like men and boys) suffer the direct and indirect effects of fighting, enduring indiscriminate bombings and attacks as well as lack of food and other essentials needed for survival. Invariably, however, women bear greater responsibility for children, the elderly, and the larger community - especially when the men have left to fight or have been detained or killed. With men gone, and the traditional support mechanism for protection in the community broken, women are at increased risk.?

Most women and children flee conflict in search of safety and end up being refugees. Those who refuse to flee often stay because they are either too sick to go or are widows; to take care of the elderly, the sick, and the young; to support family members; or to assess the security situation in order to advise fleeing relations on whether to return. Ironically, many of these women believe that their gender will protect them from hostilities. But contrary to their beliefs, women are frequently targeted precisely because they are women. Women also suffer when the fighting is close to where they live and work. This limits their movements as well as their access to work, food, water, and medical assistance. The situation is especially grave for those in need of maternal or child healthcare.?

Women are also subjected to harassment, intimidation, and attacks, at their homes, in their villages, and at check points. Their personal security and freedom of movement is greatly hampered by a lack of identity documents, increasing their risk of abuse and sometimes even sexual violence.

Women as victims of sexual violence??

In many conflicts, women and girls are systematically targeted for sexual violence, sometimes with the broader political objective of ethnic cleansing. It is now evident that rape is being used as a weapon of war. Reliable statistics concerning the number of victims of sexual violence are not easy to come by as they are often simply based on the number of people seeking medical help for pregnancy-related issues and for sexually transmitted infections such as HIV/AIDS.?

Conflicts force many women and girls to go into sex work in order to make a living and survive. They also create room for other forms of sexual exploitation such as trafficking. Those who survive sexual violence are frequently unwilling to speak out for fear of being ostracized and rejected by their families and communities. Many victims also believe that no one ?can help them because the harm has already been done.?

Displaced women in times of conflict? Women and children make up the majority of the worlds refugees and internally displaced persons. Fleeing and living in displacement camps creates numerous problems for women and exposes them to enormous risks. Women who flee their homes generally take few possessions with them and many become separated from their families. They are then forced to rely on the people in the countries in which they are seeking refuge or on assistance from international and non-governmental organizations. When they are forced to travel long distances to look for water, food, firewood, and medication, they are frequently exposed to attacks by soldiers, injury from mines, and sexual abuse.?

Women in camps for displaced persons frequently have to shoulder all the responsibilities for the entire family's survival. At the same time, the special needs of women are sometimes not taken into account by camp authorities and organizations. Women in situations of displacement lack the privacy needed to maintain their personal hygiene and dignity because they have to share facilities with other people, including men. For these reasons, women need to be actively involved in the planning, implementation, and evaluation of the humanitarian activities carried out and of the assistance distributed. ?Detained women during conflicts ?Women are also detained as a result of conflict, often in conditions worse than their male counterparts. Women in detention are sometimes detained with their young children; sometimes, they have to leave those children behind to be taken care of by other people.

This enforced separation can be very traumatic for women. Women also have specific needs that are hard to meet in detention. For instance, women and girls of menstruating age often have problems in obtaining suitable sanitary protection, regular access to sanitary facilities, and appropriate clothing to deal with their menstruation in a manner that preserves their health and dignity. Furthermore, women are subjected to maltreatment, including sexual violence, torture and other forms of degrading inhuman treatment while in detention. This abuse puts them at risk of pregnancy and may cause health problems as HIV/AIDS. They therefore live in perpetual fear.?

Women in peace building?

There are many examples of women's groups coming together in support of peace. One example is Roots for Peace, an association formed by Angolan women in 1994 with the aim of bringing an end to the conflict and promoting peace and security. Another example is the Liberian Women's Initiative, ?also established in 1994. They claimed that the disarmament process in their country needed to be speeded up and called on the UN not to ignore their recommendation to provide incentives to the fighters to disarm.?

In 1999, the First Pan African Women's Conference for Peace and Non Violence was held in Zanzibar. In 2000, women peace activists from Liberia and Sierra Leone met in Abuja at the invitation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and together with their counterparts from ?Guinea, launched a regional women's peace movement, the MANO River Union Women Peace Network (MARWOPNET) There are many other examples of women organizing themselves to promote peace in conflict torn areas.?

However, the consequences conflict has on women's lives needs more attention than it is currently receiving. Women have realized that conflicts in Africa tear apart families and destroy lives. We therefore need to establish approaches to peace and security that include women's ideas and interests. ?

Women, media, and conflict ?

If more attention is to be given to how conflict affects women, women must play a role in the identification, treatment, dissemination, and evaluation of the information that is produced. If women are to participate fully in ?brokering peace, in decision making, and in post conflict reconstruction, it is imperative that they work in partnership with all forms of media at their disposal to raise awareness, to ensure participation of women of all ages, to influence policy decisions, and to ensure accountability on the part of governments, NGOs, and international organizations.

Women must put themselves into the picture both as producers of information and as subjects of it. When we look at the media, we are referring to radio news, radio dramas, television programmes, print media, popular music, interactive video dialogues, posters, talk shows, call-in shows, community ?media projects, the Internet - and more. By doing this, women may ensure their voices are heard at the local, national, sub-regional, regional, and international levels.?

Currently, very few women journalists are taking an active role in peace and conflict reporting. This is partly due to the highly gendered bureaucratic structures of media institutions where the majority of women do not have decision-making powers. At other times, women journalists are not interested in such tasks, are afraid of the risks involved, or do not have access to the training needed to take up the challenge. It is therefore necessary to address gender specific professional problems so that we may get women's perspectives on conflict. ?Of equal importance is the need to document efforts undertaken by women to create and promote peace and security in Africa. The media should publicize ?women's involvement in peace processes and actively lobby for inclusion of women in peace negotiations at all levels. It is worth investigating how women define peace and reconciliation at both family and community levels, and the skills and knowledge they use to work towards these goals. The media should show such aspects of women, rather than portraying them as mere victims.?

The media can also play an important role in the process of healing following conflict. During the period of reconciliation and rehabilitation, the media can help empower groups such as women's groups that had previously been voiceless. Television, radio and print materials can provide specific social support to women's groups. The media can thereby ?help in rebuilding civil society. Women outside of the media also have a role to play. The women's movement ?must establish its presence in organizing anti-conflict campaigns so that women become more visible as peace initiators. Others must work to ensure people are not denied information because of poverty, lack of access, repressive media laws that inhibit free expression, or illiteracy.

Conclusion

It is crucial to document through research the role of the media in generating conflict and its potential to manage conflict. Documentation should also include finding out the use of language, culture, sources of information, adherence to professional norms and ethics. The media should be systematically engaged as an agency for peace promotion and conflict resolution. We should develop media resource packages on reporting on peace and security and endeavour to democratise the media so that it becomes easily accessible to and useable by different social actors.

The perpetrators of violence against women, especially rape and unwanted pregnancies, which constitute a crime against humanity, should be brought to justice. Women in post conflict situations should be encouraged and protected to give evidence against the perpetrators of rape and other forms of violence against women.

In order to make these changes, women's organizations, human rights groups, media outlets, community groups, and other social actors should collaborate to maximize human, material, and financial resources to avoid unnecessary duplication and conflict among themselves. If we do this well, we may all come to better understand how women are affected by conflict, how they can participate in preventing and managing conflict as well as promoting peace and stability.

* Amie Joof- Colé is with FAMEDEV: The Inter Africa Network for Women, Media, Gender and Development/ Réseau Inter Africain Des Femmes, Genre, Médias et Développement ?
* Please send comments to [email protected]

Once 15 African countries have ratified The Protocol To The African Charter On Human and Peoples' Rights On The Rights of Women in Africa, its provisions will have to be included in country-level legislation. This is the next challenge facing the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights Campaign, says Sarah Mukasa, who assesses some of the potential stumbling blocks inherent in the domestication process. “It is imperative that strategies adopted for this campaign take into account these factors and prepare for the resistances that will surely come,” she warns.

To date, 13 member states of the African Union have ratified The Protocol To The African Charter On Human and Peoples' Rights On The Rights of Women in Africa. This is in spite of the undertaking made by the Heads of State in the African Union Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa, July 2004. Commitment was made to sign and ratify the protocol by the end of 2004. This is indicative of the measure of political will there is to address substantively the rights of women on the continent. The disconnect between pronouncements made at regional level, and the action taken at national and local levels, demonstrates that the road to domestication and implementation is riddled with challenges that will have to be overcome if the protocol is to be of benefit to the women it seeks to protect. Activists must be at the forefront of the efforts to domesticate this protocol. This brief article will attempt to contribute to this process by assessing a number of possible challenges that will come with the campaign for domestication. It will do this by presenting a synoptic view of the response to women’s empowerment initiatives in the past, at government and community levels.

The main challenge is at the level of the patriarchal state. Engaging the state on women’s rights has been an extremely difficult struggle with varying degrees of success. Historically, the state has been at worst hostile and at best extremely slow to respond to advancing the rights of women. It has entrenched this practice with a regime of discriminatory laws and policies. Even in those countries that have managed to enshrine the principles of equality and non-discrimination in the supreme law, the Constitution, the process of domestication, that is of aligning and framing national laws to reflect these principles, has been wanting. For example, in Uganda, in spite of an extremely progressive constitution, efforts to effect a law that protects the rights of women in marriage, separation and divorce, has for over 40 years yielded no results. Similarly, given our governments’ past record for on the whole failing to honour internationally agreed standards, there is little reason to believe that the protocol will be regarded any differently.

The protocol, which seeks to commit states to protect the rights of women in Africa on the political, social, cultural and economic fronts, is the only regionally generated standard to address the specificity of women’s oppression. It is thus critical that African governments apply this standard at national and local levels. In addition, given that it addresses many of the context specific violations, its application throughout the continent would go a long way to ensure that women are able to exercise their rights. However, it is because the protocol seeks to redress the power equation in gender relations, and to significantly alter the status quo that resistance to it on all levels is to be expected.

There is no doubt that advancements have been made on the continent for African women, the most significant of which has been increasing access for women and girls into the public space, especially local and national politics, education, the business sector and so on. Similarly there has been much initiative at policy level to take into account the interests of women and other marginalised groups. However, this investment has not translated into a fundamental change for the better for the vast majority of African women. Moreover, these gains come against a backdrop of other developments that stand to put these gains and all future work to domesticate the protocol in jeopardy. These include:

a) Weak institutional mechanisms for implementation. This in particular refers to government gender machinery. Most governments have established machinery, either in the form of ministries or departments, to oversee government initiatives for the empowerment of women. However, at the recent review in Addis Ababa in October 2004 of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, 10 years after it was agreed, there was considerable concern raised about these machineries’ performance. In particular, it was noted that their capacities to spearhead the women’s rights agenda are extremely limited due to severe (and in many cases disproportionate) cuts in budget allocation and human resources. Given that it is this machinery that will be largely responsible for monitoring the process of domestication and also implementation of the protocol, it is of major concern that it will not be in a position to do so effectively.

b) The slow process of change. This is particularly at legislative and policy levels. Different countries have different legal regimes. As a general rule, those countries that have inherited the French legal system have some advantage. For under these systems, ratification of the protocol automatically qualifies it as national law. However those of the British system have to undergo a process in which national parliaments effect a law that meets the agreed standard. If the past example of CEDAW is anything to go by, many of the countries that have ratified CEDAW have so far failed to incorporate these standards in national law. This is further complicated by the existence of dual legal systems in much of Africa. In most African countries, the existence of customary and religious law on the one hand and statutory law on the other often means that women’s rights are compromised. When drawing up laws on matters relating to women’s rights, often customary and religious law is given precedence. The protocol which seeks to challenge discriminatory cultural practice is likely to meet with highly organised resistance therefore, and actually be undermined as a result of this duality of legal systems.

c) The failure to promote the culture of Constitutionalism and respect for the rule of law has serious implications for the domestication of the protocol. Recent developments in a number of countries such as Uganda, Ethiopia, Togo, Zimbabwe and Chad indicate a direct correlation between the failure of governments to respect the rule of law and to protect the human rights of citizens. As governments subvert Constitutions and compromise the rule of law in order to entrench their power bases, so too do cases of increased arbitrary detentions, curtailing media freedoms, harassment of political opponents and so on. The state apparatus is used to clamp down on rights and also to silence the voices of dissent. In these instances, the priority will not be to implement laws and regulations that promote rights, particularly those of women.

d) As with CEDAW, the political agency of the protocol is likely to be undermined through the practice of ratifying it with reservations. Where a government enters reservations on a particular provision, it is in effect absolving itself of the responsibility to implement the provision. A number of the countries that have hitherto ratified the protocol have done so with reservations. It is feared that in particular those articles dealing with reproductive and sexual rights, will be compromised in this way.

Other environmental factors that will have an impact on this campaign include:

e) The increase in insecurity and conflict in much of Africa and its effect on women and girls. Whilst the protocol seeks to protect women in conflict, the citizenry’s ability to effect change of this kind is severely weakened in the context of conflict and insecurity. The collapse of law and order systems, the break down and dispersal of communities and support networks, and the struggle just to survive makes it virtually impossible to implement these or any other kinds of measures.

f) The growing marginalisation of Africa as a result of globalisation fuelled by market led growth strategies. Africa’s size in global market share is shrinking. The inequitable competition for market share (since government subsidies in northern economies are still firmly intact), means that Africa will continue its downward slide in gaining access to western markets. Together with the reduction of the role of the state in welfare provision, the plight of poor women in particular will continue to be a major challenge. With regards to the protocol, weak state structures, with reduced revenues, especially in the law and order sector (police and other law enforcement agencies), are less able to address these needs. Given that considerable investments in terms of finance are required for the effective application of the protocol, this development should be a cause for major concern.

g) Current global policy. The terrorist attacks of September 11th 2001 in New York marked a period of drastic change in global policy. This incident marked a paradigmatic shift from safeguarding and promoting human rights to fighting terrorism. Global politics has become highly militarised, and the subtext to this shift is that respect for basic human rights principles can and will be compromised in the interest of fighting terrorism. This has had a knock on effect, with the growing intolerance for progressive thinking, ideas and development programmes. Women’s empowerment initiatives, particularly those aimed at strategic levels, such as the campaign for the domestication of the protocol, are especially endangered. Resources and support allocated to these kinds of programmes has been on the decline.

At the level of the community, there are number of challenges that are to be expected. These include:

h) A lack of awareness, especially at local levels, of the protocol and what it seeks to address. This suggests a general apathy and ambivalence by much of society for initiatives of this kind. Since one of the most effective ways to effect change is to have a critical mass of public support, this aspect of the campaign for the domestication of the protocol cannot be ignored. Since the protocol seeks to protect in particular those women especially vulnerable to violations, it is imperative that efforts to engage them in the process are strengthened.

i) The significant increase in religious fundamentalism and conservatism will seriously threaten the campaign for the domestication of the protocol. There is an increasing resistance to progressive measures to protect the rights of women. The protocol aims to promote a number of measures which for some time have been resisted in a number of national and local contexts. In particular those aspects prohibiting harmful traditional and cultural practices, that seek to promote sexual and reproductive rights and property ownership rights, are likely to be contentious. As part of the campaigning process, our nets should be cast wider to make strategic alliances with some of the more progressive but influential cultural and religious authorities, in order to circumnavigate this resistance.

Discussed above has been the challenges that are likely to impact on the campaign for the domestication of the protocol. It is imperative that strategies adopted for this campaign take into account these factors and prepare for the resistances that will surely come. It is critical that our networking, support and information sharing capacities are enhanced in order that collectively we can address the resistance. A multi pronged approach is required in which community mobilisation strategies are strengthened with, for example the use of non-traditional methods such as the arts and popular culture. In addition, we must strategically incorporate documentation and research initiatives which highlight the economic and social dividends accrued from the domestication of the protocol. The significant advantage that the protocol has is that is an instrument that was generated in Africa by Africans. It came out of the lived experiences of women in Africa. It should be highlighted that our governments actually formulated this instrument, working hand in hand with civil society in order to improve the quality of life of half of the continent’s population.

* Sarah Mukasa is Programmes Manager for the East and Horn of Africa at Akina Mama wa Afrika

* Please send comments to [email protected]

This film documents how Rwandan women, traditionally denied any rights, have become business leaders and form 48% of the Parliament. Reaching for a wholly different future for their country, they represent the vanguard of a cultural shift with implications for society throughout Africa…..and beyond. Q&A with Rwandan journalist, Sheena Kaliisa. Tuesday 20 September, 7pm at Enlightennext, 13 Windsor Street, London N1 (Angel tube). Phone: 020 7288 7000; email: [email][email protected]

Seven percent of women in Cameroon are infected with HIV, compared with 4% among men, according to the latest Demographic and Health Survey (CDHS), conducted from February to August of 2004, the third DHS of its kind in this country. HIV-infected women are more likely to be educated than not: 8.2% of women with a secondary school education or higher are infected, compared with 3.4% of women with no education; as for the men, the results are respectively 4.3% and 2.7%. The prevalence increases also with the socio-economic level: among women and men living in relatively wealthy households, the risk of HIV infection is more than three times higher than among those living in the poorest households.

From October 27-30, up to two thousand women's rights activists, academics, policy makers and students will converge upon Bangkok for the most highly anticipated international meeting for women's rights of the year. After Beijing +10, the G8 Summit and the UN World Summit, the AWID Forum is a chance for activists to finally gather together on OUR terms, to set our own agenda, and to be push forward on our global movement towards change. Registration is still open, although spaces are filling up fast. To register, visit our website atwww.awid.org/forum/register_for_forum.htm.

Solidarity for African Women's Rights (SOAWR), a coalition of groups across Africa campaigning for the popularization, ratification and domestication of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, welcomes the Republic of The Gambia's ratification of the Protocol. While pleased with the addition of the 13th country to the ratification process, SOAWR still urges the remaining 40 countries that have yet to fully endorse the Protocol to do so immediately and without reservation.

Nigeria is withdrawing its 120-strong police contingent serving with the UN peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo's capital, Kinshasa. The UN launched an investigation into sexual harassment allegations three weeks ago and the entire unit were withdrawn from their duties. Nigerian police spokesman Haz Iwendi said 10 officers were accused of sexually harassing local women. "When one is contaminated, the whole bunch is contaminated," he said. Speaking from Nigeria, he said a senior police officer had already been sent to DR Congo to bring them home.

Mayor Marie Izabilza sat quietly in the back of the dirt floor concrete room in an impoverished province on the outskirts of Kigali. Her round face was furrowed in thought. Before her, a dozen young Rwandan war orphans fired off their concerns. Izabilza nodded as each one took a turn to voice a request to go to secondary school, find a job, buy food or visit a health clinic. A recently elected mayor for this province of several thousand, Izabilza and other women like her are part of a new band of female politicians working at local levels in Rwanda, which is struggling to rebuild a decade after a genocide left more than 800,000 dead in 100 days and this small Central African nation devastated.

A meeting in the Kenyan capital of Nairobi has highlighted the importance of giving Sudanese women a greater voice in their country's political affairs, if Sudan is to meet the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). While a peace agreement was signed in January bringing an end to more than two decades of civil war in southern Sudan, the western region of Darfur continues to be plagued by conflict between government and rebels from the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). African Union-sponsored peace talks for Darfur are scheduled to resume Sep. 15 in the Nigerian capital, Abuja.

A Unicef and UNFPA report that provides an overview of community perceptions about the risks women and girls currently face in Darfur as a result of the conflict, expresses concerns for their physical and mental recovery, traditional coping strategies and the gaps in services and opportunities which are discerned by community members. The situational analysis is a community-based investigation, meant to provide some insight as to how the international community can better shape its response through recognition and respect for these perceptions and preferences and the resources that are needed to improve women and girls' health and well-being.

In the period since the beginning of the 1990s, CODESRIA has been at the forefront of the quest to harness the efforts of African scholars in both extending the frontiers of knowledge production around issues of gender, and doing so in a manner that ensures that for as many scholars as are active in its networks and at other African sites of scholarly work, gender is integrated into their frames of analyses. The Symposium will be held in Cairo, Egypt, from 27–29 October 2005.

While many of the girls in the 11-18 year age group share most of the same duties as their mothers, one major difference is that many of the girls are in school for the first time. This is an opportunity they would not have had in Darfur and which their mothers never had. Among the recommendations given are that NGOs and UN agencies need to keep pushing for girls and young women to take part in decision-making in camp management, and that all health care providers should immediately establish and implement care for the survivors of violence following established protocols.

Three international rights organisations have joined forces to ensure that women’s voices will be heard at the United Nations 2005 World Summit, scheduled to take place later this month (Sep. 14 to 16). The 'Gender Monitoring Group of the World Summit' is the brainchild of the Centre for Women's Global Leadership, located in the American state of New Jersey, the Fiji-based Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era - and the Women's Environment and Development Organisation (WEDO), which is headquartered in New York.

Throngs of young Swazi women and girls gathered on Sunday to deliver bundles of reeds cut a week earlier and transported on foot to the Queen Mother's residence in Eludzidzini. In recent years Swaziland's annual reed dance ceremony has become a focal point for criticism of King Mswati III's handling of his country's HIV crisis and the rights of his female subjects. The dance is often framed in the international media as serving little purpose other than a showcase of virgins, from which sub-Saharan Africa's last absolute monarch can select yet another new bride.

Uganda has been widely praised for having a constitution that reflects gender concerns. The 10-year-old document commits the country to affirmative action in the workplace, freedom from sexual discrimination and economic rights for women. It also allows for a commission to monitor whether government programmes discriminate on the basis of sex. In addition, Uganda has pledged to implement the United Nations' eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which include the promotion of gender equality by 2015. Nonetheless, progress towards real women's empowerment has been somewhat erratic in the East African country.

This report discusses violence against women and girls as a major human rights scandal and a public health crisis. The authors contend that globally women are regularly beaten and sexually abused by intimate partners, family members, neighbours, and by people not known to them. They also suffer gender-based violence during and after conflicts and wars. The impact on women's health goes far beyond bruises, broken bones or even death. As well as causing physical suffering to women, such violence has a profound impact on women's psychological well-being, on their sexual and reproductive health and on the well-being and security of their families and communities. The cost in human terms is huge and also has an economic dimension.