"We, the delegates representing the core countries of the Great Lakes Region, namely Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia and the co-opted Republic of South Africa, assembled at the First Regional Women’s Meeting held in Kigali, Rwanda on 7 – 9 October 2004, as part of the International Conference of the Great Lakes Region under the auspices of the African Union and the United Nations;

Call on the Heads of State and Government to:

- enact and enforce legislation that protects and upholds the human rights and dignity of women and girls;
- take concrete measures to end the culture of impunity and enforce punitive action against perpetrators of crimes against humanity particularly genocide, massacres, rape and other forms of gender based violence;
- put in place mechanisms and policies with a view to eliminating ethnicism and exclusion;
- put in place a regional mechanism with requisite resources to ensure women’s equitable representation and effective participation in peace, governance and development processes at national and regional levels;
- provide adequate resources for the effective implementation of all women and children’s rights, peace and security instruments;
- fulfil their roles and responsibilities towards all displaced persons within their borders and ensure the speedy enactment and adoption of national and regional policies on refugees and internally displaced persons;
- harmonize national policies for the treatment, care and provision of services to victims of conflict, those affected or infected with HIV/AIDS and other vulnerable and marginalized groups, especially women and children;
- harmonize national and regional policies on environmental protection for sustainable development;
- implement affirmative action for women at 50% minimum quota as set out by the AU at all decision making levels;
- provide access to both formal and non-formal education, health and other social services with special support to vulnerable groups;
- mainstream gender in legislation, policies and programmes;
- ensure the inclusion of gender perspectives in macroeconomic policies;
- ensure establishment of financial institutions and initiate investments to address gender inequality;
- guarantee economic opportunities for Women to access credit and own property including land;
- negotiate as a bloc on economic issues in order to protect women’s interests from unfair trade practices and policies."

The feminisation of the labour market in South Africa has not changed the traditional overrepresentation of women in low-income, less secure employment. The study by the Development Policy Research Unit (DPRU) at the University of Cape Town also found that while women's increased labour force participation had afforded women some increased opportunities and power, white women seem to have been the main beneficiaries. This paper examines the dramatic increase in the labour force participation of women in South Africa since the mid-1990s.

Amnesty International has welcomed a debate in the UN Security Council to assess implementation of Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security. The organization urges all governments, the Security Council and the UN system as a whole to take concrete steps to make real the promises of Resolution 1325 for all women living in conflict affected situations. Adopted in 2000, Resolution 1325 calls for increased protection of women during armed conflict, for an end to impunity for gender-based abuses during and after conflict, and the participation of women at all levels of decision-making related to prevention, management and resolution of conflict.

African women attending the 7th African Regional Meeting on the Review of the Dakar and Beijing Conferences (Beijing + 10) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia from 6-14 October, 2004, expressed satisfaction with the efforts of the African Union (AU) and NEPAD to ensure that all their policies, programmes and practices are inclusive and engendered. The expert group meeting, chaired by Dr. Sara Longwe of FEMNET, heard from two panelists: Madam Bineta Diop, the executive director of Femmes Africa Solidarite (FAS) and Ms Litha Musyimi-Ogana, NEPAD Gender and Civil Society advisor who presented a paper on " Gender Responsiveness of NEPAD."

Since May 2002, PeaceWomen has been producing the 1325 PeaceWomen E-Newsletter as a means to maintain the momentum and visibility of SCR 1325, to advocate for its full and rapid implementation, and to share information with UN entities, government representatives and civil society actors about the resolution and related women, peace and security issues. Their 50th issue features:
1. In Celebration of the 50th Issue of 1325 PeaceWomen E-News: Comments from Our Readers
2. The Final Days of Women, Peace and Security Month - October 2004
3. 1325 Translation Update: Dari, Punjabi and Urdu Translations Now Available
4. Women, Peace and Security News
5. Feature Reports: “Secretary-General’s Report on women, peace and security,” “Four Years On: An Alternative Report and Progress Check on the Implementation of Security Council Resolution 1325” (NGOWG), & Others
6. Feature Statements: Civil Society Statements to Arria Formula Meeting on Women, Peace and Security, Letter to Security Council Members on 28 October Open Debate on Women, Peace and Security (NGOWG), & Others
7. Feature Interview: Gender Issues in the UN Peacekeeping Operation in Haiti: An Interview with Nadine Puechguirbal, Senior Gender Advisor, UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH)
8. Feature Resources: Inventory of UN Resources on Women, Peace and Security (OSAGI) & “FACES: Women as Partners in Peace and Security” (DPI-OSAGI)
9. UNIFEM Update: Commemorating the 4th Anniversary of Resolution 1325
10. Feature Analysis: UNMIK Office of Gender Affairs Places Gender Concerns at the Top of the Peacekeeping Political Agenda in Kosovo
11. Women, Peace and Security Calendar: Recent Events in Celebration of the 4th Anniversary of SCR 1325

The Nigerian President, Olusegun Obasanjo, has praised Anglican bishops from Africa for what he called their principled stand against homosexuality. At a meeting of 300 African bishops in Nigeria, Mr Obasanjo condemned homosexuality and same-sex marriages as un-Biblical, unnatural and un-African. The conference, to discuss future ties with the Anglican Church, has already vowed to stop training priests abroad. The African division - which represents over half of the world's Anglican congregation - has collided with its US counterpart over same-sex unions and the consecration last year of Gene Robinson, a homosexual.

This paper analyses a project that aimed to make Ugandan 'Telecentres' more relevant to rural women there. It had been found that these resources were under used because of lack of literacy, gender roles at home and lack of suitable content. The project identified a need for information on income generation activities and therefore developed a CD-ROM with easy to follow modules outlining the basics of marketing, credit and sales management.

The development of mechanisms - domestically and with an eye toward future international process(es) - to establish accountability, prosecute individuals, and address impunity is one of the recommendations made to the United Nations Security Council by 16 Sudanese women peace builders at a recent meeting in Washington, United States. The women further recommended that international observers and protection officers should work with local women’s organizations on issues such as witness identification to ensure local credibility and legitimacy.

A leading women's advocacy group in Zambia has appealed to health authorities to spend more funds on improving maternal care. An increasing number of women have died during childbirth in recent years. The latest figures from the 2001/02 Demographic and Health Survey (ZDHS) indicated 729 deaths per 100,000 live births, significantly higher than in neighbouring countries. Lumba Siyanga, the acting executive director of the women's advocacy NGO, Women For Change, said pregnant rural women were made increasingly vulnerable due to the lack of access to reproductive healthcare and the low quality of treatment.

The United Nations Environment Programme’s (UNEP) first Global Women’s Assembly on Environment: Women as the Voice for the Environment (WAVE) convened from 11-13 October 2004, in Nairobi, Kenya. The Assembly focused on generating outputs related to the upcoming Beijing+10 review session, the five-year review of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), and the 13th session of the UN Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD-13). Over 150 participants from 60 countries attended the Assembly, some from remote indigenous communities and small island developing States.

Women in Rwanda now top the world rankings of women in national parliaments, with 49 percent of representation compared to a world average of 15.1 percent. This success mirrors the trend of a small, but growing number of sub-Saharan countries, where women are breaking into politics. Rwanda nevertheless is special. This year the country commemorates the genocide of 1994, when Rwandan women suffered death, humiliation, persecution and sexual abuse during a 100-day massacre that left more than 800,000 people dead. As the country undergoes a period of reconstruction, women are taking an active role. They not only head about a third of all households, but have also taken up many jobs that were formerly the preserve of men, as in construction and mechanics.

However, their most notable achievement has been in politics. Thanks to a new constitution, 24 out of 80 seats in the lower house of parliament are reserved for women. During the country's September 2003 general election, the first after the genocide, an additional 15 women were voted into non-reserved seats, bringing 39 into the lower house. In the upper house, 6 out of 20 seats are reserved for women. To attain this, Rwandan women lobbied heavily, helped to draft the new constitution and developed voting guidelines that guaranteed seats for women candidates. They were also able to push for the creation of a government ministry of women's affairs to promote policies in favour of women's interests.

Especially in post-conflict situations, where new constitutions and legislative structures are being created, it is critical that women are present at the peace table and in post-war policy-making, says UN Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) Executive Director Noeleen Heyzer. The agency participated in post-genocide reconstruction in Rwanda, helping women to prepare for political office.

It will be interesting to see what the entry of so many women in the national assembly will do for politics in Rwanda, says the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), a Geneva-based organisation representing 138 parliaments worldwide. IPU President Anders Johnsson observes that the European Nordic countries have an established history of women's participation in decision-making, but that Rwanda now overtakes the long-time leader, Sweden, where women constitute 45 percent of parliamentarians.

Women in politics

The drive to promote women in decision-making positions worldwide gained momentum during the 1980s and early 1990s through a series of international conferences. Further impetus came from the Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing, China, in 1995, which called for at least 30 per cent representation by women in national governments. In September 2000 at the UN Millennium Summit in New York, world leaders pledged to "promote gender equality and the empowerment of women as effective ways to combat poverty, hunger and disease and to stimulate development that is truly sustainable." At that meeting, world leaders adopted the goal of gender equality and seven others, known collectively as the Millennium Development Goals. Since then, the number of women in leadership positions has been rising.

Study after study has shown that there is no effective development strategy in which women do not play a central role, says UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan. When women are fully involved, he notes, the benefits are immediate - families are healthier and better fed and their income, savings and investments go up. "And what is true of families is also true of communities and, in the long run, of whole countries."

Rwanda's success in bringing women to the political table mirrors that of a small, but growing number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa. In South Africa and Mozambique, for example, women hold 30 per cent of the seats in parliament - matching the international target. Women's representation in national parliaments across sub-Saharan Africa equals the world average of about 15 per cent. Despite being one of the poorest regions in the world, the level of women's representation in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa is higher than in many wealthier countries, observes UNIFEM in its Progress of the World's Women 2002 report. In the US, France and Japan for instance, women hold slightly more than 10 per cent of parliamentary seats.

Quota systems

Between 2000 and 2002, elections were held in 23 countries in sub-Saharan Africa, with increases in women parliamentarians in 14 of them. Most of the countries that have achieved significant increases in women's participation have done so through the use of quotas - a form of affirmative action in favour of women. Worldwide, about 30 of the world's more than 190 countries apply some form of female quotas in politics. In Uganda, says Beatrice Kiraso, who was elected to parliament in 1996, quotas kick-started the process of improving women's participation in national politics. A cycle began in which "women gained confidence in women, opening up even more avenues," she adds. Uganda's quota system evolved from the current government's origins in a guerrilla war during the 1980s, when women fought alongside men in the National Resistance Army (NRA). In each of the zones the rebels won, local councils were set up, with each including a secretary for women's affairs. Eventually when the NRA came to power in 1986, it introduced the system into national politics. By 1994, the government of President Yoweri Museveni appointed Dr Wandira Kazibwe as Vice President, making her one of the highest ranking women in politics on the continent. In South Africa too, women played a key role in the national liberation struggle and today are benefiting from a quota system adopted by the ruling African National Congress (ANC).

In Africa, there are three main quota systems:

- Constitutional quotas: Some countries, including Burkina Faso and Uganda, have constitutional provisions reserving seats in national parliament for women.
- Election law quotas: Provisions are written into national legislation, as in Sudan.
- Political party quotas: Parties adopt internal rules to include a certain percentage of women as candidates for office. This is the case with the governing parties in South Africa and Mozambique.

Lack of support

However, while introducing quotas provides a means of addressing the gender imbalance in decision-making, the practice often lacks support from important political actors or meets opposition in societies that have strong patriarchal traditions. Much like the debate around affirmative action, those opposed to quota systems say they discriminate against men. The Zambia National Women's Lobby Group accuses its government of lacking political will. While the Zambian government has ratified a number of international instruments to promote women in politics, the group reports, none "have been domesticated." Cultural and traditional practices subjecting women to male dominance have also hindered women's progress in achieving gender equality in politics. Women face barriers such as "conflict, intimidation, negative attitudes, stereotypes by society and lack of support from the electorate," notes the Zambian group.

The Stockholm-based Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) reports that women politicians across the globe confront a "masculine model" of politics. In many cases they lack political party support and have no access to quality education and training to enter politics.

Political life is organised for male norms and values and in many cases even for male life-styles, notes Margaret Dongo, a Zimbabwean politician. "But this must and will change," she adds. Zimbabwe is one of four countries in sub-Saharan Africa where the proportion of female parliamentarians declined during elections in 2000-02.

Legislated quotas are "hopelessly wrong," Chief Whip Douglas Gibson of the opposition Democratic Alliance in South Africa told the women's advocacy group Gender Links. "Would you then say that 10 percent of the cricket team should be white and the rest black because that is the make up of the nation? You would not, because not everyone wants to play cricket." Unlike the ruling ANC, the Democratic Alliance does not reserve seats for women.

More needs to be done

Simply increasing women's share of seats in parliament alone is not a solution, notes the UNIFEM report. It does not guarantee that they will make decisions that benefit the majority of women. "It can only level the playing field on which women battle for equality," reports the UN agency. Many factors hinder elected women from promoting laws that aid women. These may include limits on policy choices parliamentarians can make due to the loan conditions set by international financial institutions. They may also be restrained by "national constitutions that hamper parliamentary power in relation to the executive powers of government and by political parties that exert strong discipline over their members," notes UNIFEM. Some gender activists also argue that quotas may constitute a "glass ceiling" beyond which women cannot go unless they engage in additional struggle. Others contend that women who come into power under such a system may be undervalued or viewed as not politically deserving. Quotas "can only be a transitory solution not a cure for the makings of a true democracy," says Mata Sy Diallo, former female Vice President of the Senegalese National Assembly.

The IDEA institute in Stockholm argues women politicians around the world are at a disadvantage in terms of financial resources, since women are a majority of the world's poor and in many patriarchal societies cannot own property and do not have money of their own. Despite such hindrances, a recent IDEA study recommends that women around the world learn the rules of politics, create conditions that allow more women to participate and then eventually change the rules to suit the needs of the majority of women. According to Birgitta Dahl, a Swedish parliamentarian, "Political parties, the educational system, non-governmental organisations, trade unions, churches -all must take responsibility within their own organisation to systematically promote women's participation, from the bottom up." South Africa's Speaker of Parliament Frene Ginwala insists that the main responsibility falls on women themselves. "In any society and situation it is those most affected who must bring about change," she says. "Those who are privileged benefit from a system that marginalises others. It is up to us, the women."

* Gumisai Mutume
* This article was originally published in Africa Recovery (United Nations) / afrol News on 10 May 2004, now known as Africa Renewal. (http://www.un.org/ecosocdev/geninfo/afrec/vol18no1/181women.htm)

The United Nations Environment Programme's (UNEP) first Global Women's Assembly on Environment: Women as the Voice for the Environment (WAVE) convened from 11-13 October 2004, in Nairobi, Kenya. The Assembly focused on generating outputs related to the upcoming Beijing+10 review session, the five-year review of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), and the 13th session of the UN Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD-13). Over 150 participants from 60 countries attended the Assembly, some from remote indigenous communities and small island developing States. Parallel and joint meetings of the Assembly were held with the Network of Women Ministers for the Environment meeting, "Women in Charge of the Environment," which convened from 11-12 October. Participants in the Network drafted informal recommendations on the "Women and Environment" section of the Beijing Platform of Action (PFA), which will be sent to the 23rd session of the UNEP Governing Council (GC) / Global Ministerial Environmental Forum (GMEF) and CSD-13 and addresses future work of the Network. The WAVE Assembly accepted a Manifesto, which included these recommendations. The WAVE Manifesto and WAVE recommendations and project ideas will be forwarded to relevant intergovernmental meetings, including the Beijing+10 review session and the WSSD follow-up. The Assembly highlighted the crucial role of women in promoting: women's leadership in environment; the participation of indigenous, rural and urban women in decision making; a gender-culture-environment; local-global linkages; environment and health linkages; capacity building and education; and peace. Also during the WAVE Assembly, UNEP launched a new publication entitled Natural Allies: UNEP and Civil Society.

On the eve of African Human Rights Day, the Gender and Media Southern Africa (GEMSA) Network has petitioned the President of the Pan African Parliament, Gertrude Mongella, to urge African governments to ratify the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa as a matter of urgency.

The petition, endorsed by 58 GEMSA members from 15 countries calls for the immediate ratification of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa by African governments. GEMSA members have emphasised that a true celebration of human rights is not possible if the rights of African women are not given full protection. GEMSA Chairperson, Colleen Lowe Morna said: "The failure by leaders to formally adopt the Protocol, after it took eight years to get it tabled, is unacceptable." At the Third Ordinary Session of the African Union in Addis Ababa in July 2004 governments and Heads of State undertook to sign and ratify the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa by the end of 2004. They also committed to support the launching of public campaigns aimed at ensuring its entry into force by 2005.

The Protocol requires ratification by only 11 countries before it enters into force. Despite this, only five countries - Comoros, Libya, Namibia, Rwanda and Senegal - have ratified the Protocol. In the Southern African region, Namibia is the only country to have ratified the Protocol. GEMSA believes that it is deplorable that the mere six country signatures required for ratification have not been forthcoming to date. The Protocol is consistent with the position taken by governments in other regional and international instruments. It provides a framework for comprehensive reform of national legislation to guarantee the rights of women. It is therefore inconsistent for African governments to resist the ratification of this Protocol as they have made regional and international commitments towards advancing gender equality. At a time when women's rights continue to be threatened because of poverty, HIV/AIDS and other crises, GEMSA urges governments to send out a strong message of commitment to redressing gender imbalances by ratifying the Protocol. -ends-

For more information contact Janine Moolman Tel: +27 11 622 2877 or email [email protected]

Violent treatment of women in Ethiopia and denial of development opportunities for them "is a national disgrace," World Bank chief James Wolfensohn said Sunday. Ethiopian women often are victims of female genital mutilation and bear the brunt of poverty, poor health care and lack of education. More than 70% of marriages in the country are by abduction, the National Committee on Traditional Practices of Ethiopia says.

Rural Women's Peace Link has established 14 area networks of women working for peace in their local communities. RWPL has trained women of all ages and many tribes all over the Great Rift Valley, including Turkana, Pokot, West Pokot, Mt. Elgon and Chepsiria Toror, to use and expand their traditional roles for peace. Through the rich history of RWPL, the program has developed and influenced many different areas in society including elders, youth, men, police, government officials and other peace-keeping groups.

In the four years since the Security Council voted to improve the ratio of women to men dealing with peace and security issues, the greatest progress has been made in UN peacekeeping missions, Secretary-General Kofi Annan says. "Today, gender concerns are raised in all new peacekeeping mandates and there are 10 full-time gender adviser positions in 17 peacekeeping operations, including those in: Afghanistan, Burundi, Côte d'Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kosovo (Serbia and Montenegro), Haiti, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Timor-Leste, as well as in the advance mission in the Sudan."

People's experiences during conflict are not gender neutral. The impacts of armed conflict as well as the coping strategies adopted by people in the exigencies of the context tend to differ between men and women. Gender as an important element in determining vulnerability becomes even more acute in the conflict-affected situation.

However, men and women cannot be defined as homogeneous categories whose conflict experiences can be crudely divided along their gender-prescribed roles. It has to be recognized that, besides numerous gender-sensitive constraints, conflict also accentuates resourcefulness in adoption of coping and survival strategies with progressive and empowering gender role changes and fluidity thus occurring in such contexts.

The post-conflict reintegration and reconstruction processes offer a window of opportunity for enhancing women's and men's socio-economic security rather than for re-establishing the status quo ante, including the gender stereotypes and traditional gender division of labour. Therefore, the promotion of a more equitable, just and inclusive society with women and other previously vulnerable and socially excluded groups becoming full players should be one of the overall goals of post-conflict interventions.

Nevertheless, the new post-conflict reconstruction, institutions, structures, policies and laws that are put in place tend to lack the special gender sensitivity required in this context, and therefore they reintroduce the pre-war gender-biased positions and emphasize women's reproductive roles, eroding the strategic gains that accrue to women during war. Women's associations and groups therefore have important advocacy and advisory roles to play in the conflict-affected context to ensure serious consideration of gender concerns.

The importance of including gender concerns in all peace building, postconflict recovery and reconstruction has been recognized by a number of UN resolutions (such as UN Security Council Resolution 1325), meetings and other events in recent years. For example, both the 1995 Beijing Fourth World Conference on Women and the 2000 Beijing +5 Conference covered this subject among other issues.

Despite this trend, consideration of women's concerns and other gender issues in post-conflict contexts, as well as in the general reintegration, reconstruction and peace-building processes, continues to be inadequate in research, policies, action programmes and debates on current conflicts. Thus the gender differences in human security in post-conflict situations continue to require focus.

Although consequences of armed conflicts affect all population groups, women appear to bear a disproportionate burden owing to the specific nature of the conflicts today. As far back as 1944, the International Labour Organization drew attention to the situation of women in the post-conflict context through the adoption of some standards on the issue. One of these standards is the International Labour Recommendation No. 71 concerning Employment Organization, Transition from War to Peace, which covers some of the vulnerable groups in the conflict and post-conflict context, especially youth, women and disabled persons. With specific reference to women and gender equality, the Recommendation states that: "The redistribution of the women workers in the economy should be organized on the principle of complete equality of opportunity for men and women on the basis of their individual merit, skill and experience, without prejudice to the provisions of the international labour conventions and recommendations concerning the employment of women."

The discussions that took place at the International Labour Conference in 1944 and a resolution adopted on the conflict issue also covered a number of concerns including employment of women. This was in recognition of the fact that special action is necessary to ensure that women as well as men do in fact benefit from the training, retraining and other measures undertaken for employment in the conflict-affected context and that the principle of gender equality is observed.

Still, the special situation of women and other gender perspectives related to this context remain under-emphasized in employment and other interventions. This trend can be used as one indicator of the general lack of gender perspective. An ILO Expert Meeting on the Design of Guidelines for Training and Employment of Ex-Combatants (July 1995), for example, observed that "there has been inadequate planning for women" in post-conflict societies and, therefore, called for action in this area. The pursuit of peace, reintegration and reconstruction needs to go along with equality to avoid compounding old problems, such as discrimination against women, social exclusion and the feminization of poverty.

The Platform for Action adopted by the Fourth World Conference on Women (September 1995) acknowledges this and, therefore, has as one of its critical areas of concern, "the effects of armed or other kinds of conflict on women, including those living under foreign occupation". It recognizes that a peaceful environment is vital for women's advancement. It notes the serious human rights violations against women in such contexts (such as systematic rape, enforced prostitution, sexual slavery and other indecent assaults) as well as the large numbers of women and children among refugees, internally displaced persons and civilian casualties who tend to outnumber the casualties among combatants. Additionally, it draws attention to the heavy increase in the burden of women stemming from the rapid escalation of female heads of households and from caring for the large numbers of injured people. It acknowledges the important role of women and their resourcefulness in such situations. It calls, inter alia, for: women's greater participation in decision-making, conflict resolution and peace building; the protection of women in situations of armed conflict; a reduction in human rights abuses; promotion of the vocational and other skills training and self-reliance of conflict-affected women; and promotion of the human rights of women in such contexts. Gender analysis and planning require serious integration in conflict and post-conflict programming, such as in the fields of skills training and employment promotion, to ensure that such programming promotes gender equality.

Armed conflicts have significant impacts on households and the community. As confirmed in ILO studies, the major shifts in household structure are characterized by the drastic decline in the male population and the increase in the number of female-headed households. As a result, more women may engage in income-generating work, while some may lose access to land and labour or more secure livelihoods. In addition, women's work in the household increases due to the increase in the size of households often accompanied by the greater number of dependants, as well as due to the general deterioration of working and living conditions.

The drastic decline in the male population also means that there are large numbers of widows and single mothers in conflict-affected countries. Widowhood affects women's social status, physical safety, identity and mobility and their access to services as well as their rights related to property, land and inheritance. Women whose husbands are declared missing are facing even more difficulties, since their status is not officially recognized. Furthermore, displacement and the increase of violence contribute to the overall feeling of insecurity, uncertainty, and isolation, thus breaking social structures and community support mechanisms. Rebuilding depleted trust and cohesion within the communities is an important part of post-conflict recovery, as community rebuilding often reflects on the context-specific issues depending on the impact of conflict and violence.

The erosion of social capital has important gender implications during and after a conflict. Recent research showed that gender identities that play an important role in determining and restoring trust have significant implications for the roles of different organizations in rebuilding social capital. Institutions, organizations and informal networks that are major actors in shaping the conflict and the post-conflict recovery and in which, consequently, the social capital often erodes or reconstructs the first are more usually men dominated. On the other hand, the experiences show that women and women-run organizations that often build on solidarity of the experienced fear, violence and traumas tend to gain more trust by the communities and to play a critical role in bringing about peace and rebuilding the trust and cohesion in communities.

As identified in the ILO and other studies, armed conflicts impose challenges to the traditional gender roles, and men and women may be pressured to adhere to the traditionally imposed ideals of masculinity and femininity (ILO, 1998a). Men are often portrayed as the defenders of their culture and are expected to be aggressive, dominating and violent. On the contrary, women are proclaimed "mothers of the nation" and are expected to support their brothers, husbands and fathers.

The ability of men and women to adhere to these prescribed gender roles may cause frustration, loss of self-respect and trigger violence. For example, an ACORD study in Northern Uganda has found that the conflict crucially challenged the traditional norms of masculinity such as marriage, fatherhood, and material and security provision. Heavy militarization and displacement limited the ability of many men to provide for their families and fulfil their duties as husbands and fathers. Due to the lack of opportunities to gain assets (cattle or cash) necessary to enter married life, many young men were prevented from starting their families and getting recognition from their community. The study also showed that, although many men were not able to behave according to the norms of masculinity, it was difficult for them not to try to conform to these norms. Men's inability to reach these gender-constructed norms often means disempowerment in the public sphere, to which some retaliate by exercising power in the domestic sphere over their children and wives.

On the other hand, ideals of femininity in many cultures often embody willingness to find non-confrontational solutions and to work for the good of the community. As such, women are often connected to the rejection of war and conflict. However, women are also active members of political movements and armed forces because they are committed to the political, religious or economic goals of those involved in conflict. While during the conflict their participation is often welcomed, their gender identity becomes problematic once the communities start to recover.

Women's personal experiences related to increased participation in the political, social and economic sphere may challenge the existing gender relations and norms, as for many women entering into the public sphere represents an empowering experience. The traditional gender division of labour may break down as more women enter the labour market, often engaging in traditionally male occupations. However, the conflict and post-conflict recovery period may also revive traditional values, thus pressuring women to resume their traditional gender roles.

Since the nature of conflict and its impacts are likely to differ between and within communities of a conflict-affected country, it is best to undertake a community-based needs assessment utilizing participatory methodologies in order to understand and thus address localized issues in an inclusive manner.

Particular attention needs to be paid to those who might be excluded from regular community structures, as social exclusion is likely to increase for some groups during and after conflict (e.g. female ex-combatants, women who are viewed by their communities to have adopted socially unacceptable practices, those who are known to have contracted STDs including HIV/AIDS, etc). This approach is more likely to increase the visibility of women and the gender differentiated needs and interests arising out of conflict.

With respect to demographic changes, the evidence presented illustrates that the number of women who become the sole providers for their families increases as a consequence of conflict. Therefore, this increases their need for Women and other Gender concerns in Post-conflict Reconstruction. At the same time, the burden of women within the home tends to intensify. In order for women to participate in employment and training programmes which will assist them in achieving economic self-sufficiency, consideration must be given to the timing and location of training programmes in relation to the extent and nature of women's obligations.

Experience shows that reintegration programmes for refugee and internally displaced populations tend to neglect "remainee" populations, thus producing further conflicts and tensions. This situation therefore argues again for a more holistic approach to programming, with opportunities open to all community members rather than to specific beneficiary groups. Furthermore, it should be remembered that in Mozambique and Guatemala refugee women lost out because the skills they gained during their period of refuge were not sustained or followed up. Efforts should be made to utilize skills which have been acquired, such as training of trainers, etc. It should also be recognized that some refugees and displaced persons will not return to their places of origin and will construct a new life or continue in a new community. The line blurs between displacement and resettlement.

An opportunity emerges to correct gender stereotypes in educational materials and to increase the number of women trainers. In addition, there is an opportunity to draw women into non-traditional skill areas, given the shift in gender roles during conflict. The challenge is to identify skill areas into which women have moved and to support them (e.g. appropriate extension services in agriculture). Training in life skills is needed to assist people to adapt to the new environments in which they may be located (e.g. rural-urban migration).

Deterioration of the health both of women themselves and their family members as a result of the conflict may be a prohibiting factor to their participation in employment and training programmes and may restrict the kinds of activities they are able to undertake. However, additional income is necessary to pay for medical care.

It is necessary to identify survival or coping strategies which have had a positive transformative role in gender relations at the household and community level and to work toward supporting them through extension of appropriate employment and training opportunities. Additionally, it is essential to reduce women's resort to negative (indecent) strategies by providing alternatives and reaching out to those who may have become socially excluded and increasingly more vulnerable due to the coping mechanisms adopted (e.g. sex work).

The non-involvement of women in government and policy-making arenas and the often failure to cover gender issues in peace accords and other framework documents may indicate a lack of commitment to and possible hostility toward adopting gender-sensitive policies. Yet the fluid post-conflict situation can create a window of opportunity to promote gender equality in the employment field through national policy and commitment to international labour standards and the implementation of appropriate labour market interventions.

Failing to seize this opportunity may create the potential for women to be further marginalized and for gender inequality to persist. Hence, there is a need to build institutional partnerships in an effort to more systematically ensure that gender is taken into account at all levels and across all programme areas.

Finally, the collection and analysis of gender-sensitive labour data may be an important contribution to conflict prevention as part of essential early warning and response work. For example, recent studies suggest that a large percentage of unemployed young men are an indicator of potential instability, as they are prone to entering into the illegal drugs and arms trade or the ranks of militants and fighters. Consequently, the retraining or employment-creation response at the micro level may provide alternatives to participation in armed forces. Clearly there is a need for engendering pre-conflict preparedness and mitigation strategies, with a special focus on the micro level, to ensure proactive and effective post-conflict responses.

* Eugenia Date-Bah is director of the ILO InFocus (International Focus) Programme on Crisis Response and Reconstruction and former manager of the ILO Action Programme on Skills and Entrepreneurship Training for Countries Emerging from Armed Conflict.

* This article is based on extracts from 'Women and other Gender Concerns in Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Job Creation Efforts'. The article is part of a collection of articles in a book entitled 'Jobs After War: A Critical Challenge in the Peace and Reconstruction Puzzle', edited by Eugenia Date-Bah and published by the InFocus Programme on Crisis Response and Reconstruction of the ILO. The publication documents some of the ILO's experience in tackling the post conflict job challenge. ILO publications can be purchased on line at or email [email][email protected]

The Friedrich Ebert Foundation and Izingwe Foundation initiated an Innovative Forum on Socio-Economic Issues in April 2004 to promote dialogue on socio-economic issues with innovative ideas and strategies to inform developmental policies. To this end, the Forum invites "women entrepreneurial pioneers" and their supporters from all sectors (government, unions, business, academica and media) of the South African society to an interactive dialogue on the 1 November 2004 in Johannesburg.

The pan-African campaign to mobilise support for the ratification of the protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the rights of women in Africa has published a pamphlet based on the special issue of Pambazuka News 162 of 24 June 2004 entitled 'Unfinished business - African leaders must act now to ratify the protocol on the rights of women". Copies available from participant organisations.

Islamic courts in Nigeria sentenced two women to death by stoning for having sex out of wedlock, but two men whom they said they slept with were acquitted for lack of evidence, authorities said Tuesday. Both sentences, which were passed within the last month in the northern state of Bauchi, have to be confirmed by the state governor before being carried out, and they are open to appeal.