Kenyans go to the polls to elect leaders that they hope will help them improve their welfare. They have one powerful instrument against which to judge their performance, writes Calestous Juma: the Constituency Development Fund (CDF).

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres has called for an end to fighting in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and pledged to help improve conditions in camps there for tens of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs).

The global campaign against the death penalty secured a landmark victory on Tuesday when the United Nations General Assembly endorsed the call for a worldwide moratorium (suspension) on executions. In a landslide result, 104 UN member states voted in favour of the ground-breaking resolution. 54 countries voted against, while there were 25 abstentions.

The drawn-out and acrimonious battle for the Presidency of South Africa’s ruling Party, the ANC, came to an end this week with the election of Jacob Zuma during
the party 52nd National Conference in Polokwane. Predictably, Zuma’s election has generated heated debates not only in South Africa but beyond primarily because he is most likely going to be the next South African President.

Kenyan blogger Ken Opalo believes that Zuma’s election is a loss for Africa because he lacks Mbeki’s Pan-Africanist credentials:
“Of course the wishes of the South African people should supersede those of other Africans when they choose their leaders. I am also glad that Zuma’s election happened in a democratic manner. Institutionalization of democracy within the ANC, as I have pointed out before, is important since it is this party that will be electing South Africa’s president for many years to come – barring any major break-up. This said, I think it is important to acknowledge that South Africa, being the regional hegemon, has considerable influence in Africa. Because of this, people in Harare, Dakar or Nairobi have a reason to care and think of how outcomes in South African politics affect them.

Zuma, a man without much formal education, lacks the intellectual abilities that Mbeki has exhibited ever since his heydays as an ANC exile. He has proven to be a populist and to the best of my knowledge has not shown much interest on the region as a whole. If he chooses to be a domestic leader, like he seems he will, his election will indeed end up being a loss to the African people who desperately need visionary continental leadership to correct the evils of poverty, disease, ignorance and bad leadership.”

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/333/blogs_02_gndhlovu.gifZambian blogger Gershom Ndhlovu argues that Zuma’s defeat of President Thabo Mbeki is a warning to those African leaders who want to stay in power in perpetuity:
“The election of Jacob Zuma as ANC leader is a good sign for Africa, that democracy can prevail even in ruling parties across the continent used to leaders who grow roots in the seats of power. Not that Zuma is the best man for the eventual job of South African president, but Thabo Mbeki is to blame.

He should have, at the earliest possible time, gave a clear indication that he would leave at the end of his two term tenure. Others more capable than Zuma could have emerged to compete among themselves while Mbeki watched on the sidelines.

Mbeki should have followed the path left by his predecessor, Nelson Mandela, who gave up the presidency after only one term…
Mbeki’s defeat should send serious signals to the rest of Africa where the likes of Bakili Muluzi still want to come back to power, the Mugabes still run unopposed at ZANU congresses and in Zambia, the ruling party is still flip-flopping on a possible successor. Zambia risks a Zuma-like take over with a possibly “undesirable” element likely to take over. Such is the sorry state in which the African continent is in politically.
The ANC, being the oldest political party on the continent, has shown the way to proper democracy for the rest of Africa.

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/333/blogs_03_spirituality.gifSouth African blogger Dion Foster takes a less rosy view about Zuma’s victory:
“So Jacob Zuma won the ANC Presidential elections. I wonder what the future holds for South Africa. Sure I have heard all the commentary about how disconnected Mbeki is from the ordinary South African, and her or his real concerns.... But one worries about a leader who has shown nothing but contempt for the law (an act that is equally
concerning!)

I shall pray, and read, and perhaps this next election will be the first in which I shall not vote for the ANC's candidate, even if it is not Mr. Zuma... You see, I think the party that I have supported for some years (even before the end of Apartheid), has grown away from
me. We no longer seem to share the same values of integrity, justice, and unity...
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/333/blogs_04_dispatch.gifAnother South African blog, http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/333/blogs_05_amagama.gifA third South African blog, NiK is the Blogospherian analyzes the Polokwane conference from a race perspective:
“There are a couple of things that have struck me as interesting this past weekend about the ANC presidential struggle in Polokwane.
Listening to the chat lines, the newscasts on radio, and observing via many television networks, the following thoughts came to mind.
The first was the almost trivial reality that the entire affair was, is and shall be driven by dark skinned people mostly, overwhelmingly in fact, of ethnic origin. With the exception of the odd [so-called] ‘white’ skinned newscaster from the BBC or similar, and a random handful of tokenist honorary black podium persons ‘white’ does not exist in Polokwane.
[…]
I would hypothesise here that Polokwane represents a watershed in the evolution of the new South Africa. Before Polokwane all defect was blamable on honkys and Apartheid. After Polokwane all defects are self-made and sustaining. Apartheid is dead long live "togetherhate.”

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/333/blogs_06_whiteafrican.gifIt has not been all about the Zuma-Mbeki slugfest on the African blogosphere. http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/333/blogs_07_dibussi.gif
* Dibussi Tande, a writer and activist from Cameroon, produces the blog Scribbles from the Den, http://www.dibussi.com/

Wangui Wa Goro analyses the role of the Kenyan voter in averting a betrayal of a genuinely democratic platform and those who suffered and died to make the platform possible.

When we struggled in exile against the Moi-Kanu regime, our mantra which reflected the name of our organisation was UMOJA – UNITED MOVEMENT FOR DEMOCRACY IN KENYA which spelt out an agenda for change, long before multiparty democracy in Kenya was possible. Much has changed since then, particularly the removal of the dreaded Clause 2A of the Constitution which barred Kenyans from forming opposition political parties. Elections have since been held on two consecutive occasions but whether this represents the much vaunted “multipartism” is yet to be tested.

The fact that there are briefcase parties and several of them does not necessarily mean that the country has turned to a multiparty democracy although we can rejoice at even the ability to register these. In our vision then and in my vision now, we were determined as were many Kenyans to see an end to dictatorship and the restoration of democracy in Kenya which would end violence against fundamental freedoms such as the right to life, the right to associate, the right to conscience, the freedom from want and the freedom of expression amongst others. We hoped that the rule of law and the respect of the rights of all Kenyans would be the baseline from which a new dispensation could be built.

Key to our campaigns was the restitution of democratic rule and governance and the rule of law which protected the lives of every Kenyan no matter what their class, gender, creed or ethnicity, whether they were inside the country or out. It has been my enduring hope that Kenya can quickly get back to track because many Kenyans know what is right, they are decent and hard working people and we are blessed with a nation which is truly gifted in its natural and human resources and well located to harness these gifts for all of us and offer hope to others. I was lucky enough to grow up in a free, post independence Kenya to know from an early age that this was possible.

At the end of the second post Clause 2A election period, five years ago, however, I wrote an article entitled KENYA AT 40 which asked whether we were going to see new wine in old bottles or old wine in new bottles. Despite my misgivings, given the volatile nature of elections and the pre-election Kenyan history which had kept Kenyans repressed through the Moi-Kanu regime, I allowed myself that momentary jubilation with millions of other Kenyans that a milestone had been reached and Kenya had taken a bold and symbolic step of removing the one party-one person dictatorship which meant that the country was finally on the road to democratisation. Despite this, I remained sceptical at both the processes leading to multiparty elections which nearly returned Moi to his “two terms!” and the hurried way in which NARC was formed without much democratic process in the country and in the party. Worrying too, was the fact that the key players of the various “coalition parties” had at one time or another served in the Moi-Kanu dictatorship.

What excited me however, in the last election in 2002, was the will to change and the way in which the Kenyans embraced the ballot box to see off the dictatorship, thus heralding a new approach to the democratic processes. The key promises that were made for this to happen were firstly, the delivery of the new constitution which had been initiated during the Moi-Kanu era and for which the consultative processes had involved all Kenyans and secondly, the end to nyayoism which was synonymous with dictatorship. The referendum also gave us another peak at this will and eagerness to use the ballot box to make decisions.

Yet deep inside, despite these and other cosmetic changes, however, unlike many of my fellow Kenyans, I remain sceptical because I believe that old habits die hard and many of the new players in the new regime and others in the opposition, with the exception of a few had really not been involved in the pro-democracy struggles which led to the toppling of the single party single person dictatorship. They were unlikely to change not for want of trying but they would not know how and in some instances, preferred not to know how in their arrogance and belief in their God given right. I believed that many still do not know or care about what the desires of the Kenyans really are, nor the full extent of the price that has been paid through detentions, killings, exiling, jailing and other state led repressions nor the struggles for democracy which finally led to the momentum which saw Moi and his cronies off. I was soon proven right as old faces began reappearing around the president including, now in the final stretch, Moi himself: Old wine in an old bottle, a scenario I had not contemplated.

We had campaigned for multiparty elections as a tool to democratisation, not just for the changing of guards at the top of brief case, overnight formed parties. A vision was for a Kenya where equality, justice and freedom from fundamental needs could be shared both through the rule of law, particularly for those in the greatest need, but also engaging people in democratic decision making processes at all levels of society including their parties, and not just at election time. What lessons can be learned from the last elections?

I hoped, perhaps cynically, that explicit mechanisms, institutions and personnel would be put in place early enough after the departure of the nyayo regime which had violated the social, economic, political and human rights of the large majority of Kenyans and which all the players, now united through NARC would endeavour to reverse. At the state level, the government was buoyed by the post election feel-good factor and the overwhelming euphoria and expectation that nyayoism and all its tendencies had been shown the door. The Rainbow Coalition also bore promises in that it had activist/reformers who were elected into parliament and even to ministerial and cabinet positions. New bold blood was also engaged in some critical positions. There seemed to be real hope for the foundations for democracy. The hope was that NARC and the other parties would begin to strengthen their parties in preparation for the next elections.

In the early months of the Narc government there was promise that democratic accountability and mechanisms for democracy would come into being and would begin to deliver restorative justice, processes and outcomes which would begin to address some of the gross human, social, economic and political violations and begin to reverse the fortunes of every Kenyan. Key to this was the Constitution which would not only safeguard Kenya from dictatorship by diminishing the power of the presidency and empowering institutions and other mechanisms, but also modernise Kenya for the 21st Century.

Sadly, this was not to be and remains a major stumbling block for democratisation as a mechanism. Other mechanisms would include independent institutions of the Judiciary, Parliament and Executive and the setting up of specific offices and institutions to redress the ills of the KANU years as well as reforming the Public Services. Institutions such as the Anti-corruption Commission were formed, the office for Governance and Ethics in the office of the President and the Kenya National Commission for Rights amongst others. There were promises and attempts to reform the Judiciary, corruption at all levels would be rooted out, people would be held to account for violations of human rights, those who had embezzled public funds or employed their relatives and cronies would be dealt with etc.

In other examples, what has happened to the Permanent Secretary for Ethics and Governance in the person of John Githongo who was forced to flee the country and his job is well known world-wide. His post has not been refilled, nor his work followed up. In other instances, institutions such as the Anti-corruption Commission and the National Human Rights Commission which began with great promise do not have enough authority to carry out their duties. In their weakness, they appear to have been calculated token gestures as corruption, violence and poverty have continued unabated. In another example, the late appointments and processes for the Election Commission of Kenya do not inspire confidence. Equally, the last minute formation of political parties, the wrangling and the violence has also not helped and may predetermine the outcome for democracy even before Kenyans have a chance to get to the ballot box. The unravelling of the official opposition and the joining of the Kibaki party by the leader of the opposition Uhuru Kenya has undermined that democratic space and left the other opposition parties (which are not recognised within this parliament) without a voice.

But after a while, the whole systems began to unravel both at the state and party level, firstly with the breaking up of the Rainbow Party that was not founded on democratic, transparent unifying principals beyond the desire to rid Kenya of the Moi-Kanu regime. The breakdown of the rainbow party (which was based on a coalition of parties) was so bad that at one point, the Kenyan state was governed by an individual, the President whose party nobody knew and there were no mechanisms or checks and balances either at party or state level. President Kibaki did not belong to NARC as it had disbanded and he did not belong to any of the constituent or new parties. This had never happened even in the worst of the Nyayo-era period as Moi conducted the dictatorship under the aegis of KANU.

At the social level, racism, religious intolerance and sexism are at a rampant high including the rape and violence against women and children, attacks on specific ethnic communities and day to day vigilante activities which include violent killings and violation of the law including the killing of police officers. Further, attacks on the media, (and other gestures such as slapping of public civil servants and journalists without censure by those associated to high public office) continue to erode the right to fundamental freedoms and send out the message that there are those who are above the law.

The fact is that through such gestures which happen on a daily basis, many communities and individuals feel under siege through continued political, social, religious and ethnic pressure including vigilante activities like extrajudicial killings and corruption some of which are perpetuated by people perceived to be in position of power and authority, a far cry from what Kenyans had hoped for after what looked like the crushing of nyayoism. The law is not applied equally, thus the poorest and most vulnerable are hit the hardest and the system does not protect them from exploitation by those who purport to be in power, including small localised power linked to big power.

The civil society has also been weakened by the promises of reform from their former colleagues now in government or in parliament, but Kenyans should know by now that reform is the avoidance of change and that is why it has always been preferred by the ruling classes and their intelligentsia who have gone unusually silent or have failed to pick out the nuances that will undermine true multiparty democracy in Kenya. How much longer are Kenyans going to be expected to wait?

The impunity that the poor face in relation to access to justice, fundamental services and the inability to have a say in their day to day lives has been so normalised that paying bribes before accessing any service is a way of life still and expecting that one might be attacked or killed for not conforming makes the lives of many Kenyans miserable. Many communities also feel alienated through exclusion. The rich can pay for protection but the poor remain exposed in desperate conditions and in many instances below what can be called minimal human conditions. Failure to account and be held accountable has to be a measure by which Kenyans can articulate their desires. The delivery of these in the past and in the future are a serious indictment and barometer of democracy, equality, freedom, justice and the rule of law. As Kenyans go to the ballot, they must ask themselves whether the different parties/individuals will address these fundamental needs.

It is in fact these tenets for the road to democracy they must use to measure their promised leaders and to underpin their election decisions. At least that is what I would do if I had that promised right to vote which at present I do not have although I am a Kenyan citizen. At minimum, democracy should guard the most fundamental of needs which alleviate fear and want. This requires a vision for democratic change and rule and engagement at all levels. The institutions, mechanisms and processes which treat all Kenyans as equal before the law must be strengthened and the rights of every Kenyan protected no matter what their race, gender, class, ability or creed. Our right to multipartism must be underpinned by real parties not paper parties. Elections are only the first step and that was secured even before 2002.

The score sheet will read disappointingly if Kenyans fail yet again for a third time to seize this golden opportunity by selling their hard won rights to the class interests of the rich and therefore, they can be told again to their own faces that they are willing accomplices in their own violation.

While one can only rejoice at elections as the first step forward towards democracy and the fervour in which the Kenyans have seized this, they are only means to an end and this is what the Kenyans should bear in mind as they exercise their right on December 27, 2007. They are the best guarantee of democracy and not the leaders, whatever their party. Most Kenyans are caught between the devil and the deep blue sea in the current elections as true multipartism has not really arrived in Kenya, but token paper parties with little track record and nearly all of them tarnished by their associations with Nyayosim one way or the other. Kenya needs a clean break through a new republic and a national debate for this needs to happen urgently. Choosing leaders who will genuinely facilitate this may be the way forward.

Kenyans therefore have to fix the wider vision of a better place for themselves now and for their children tomorrow. There is much to be won beside short term, last minute token gestures, empty promises, and those who can vote must keep their eye on the ball for true development, justice, democracy, peace, unity and equality. Kenya has the promise and the potential and if those with the right to vote fail to seize it now judiciously, this may well be the last chance.

*Dr. Wangui wa Goro is a public intellectual, writer, translator and academic who has been living in the UK and campaigning for democratic rights for Kenya for the last 25 years. She is currently an Associate Fellow at the Institute of Human Rights and Social Justice at London Metropolitan University.

* Please send comments to or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org

Dear Dr. Shah:

As a citizen of our great nation Tanzania, and an avowed nationalist, I found your essay compelling because of its complexity, particularly when outlining the root cause of evil in the world. Evil can be defined as an "an abuse of freedom" but that abuse may not occur through awareness. In fact, I think most evildoers are not aware of the implications nor the intent behind what they do.

An example comes from the Bible. In Eden, Adam was curious not malicious. Evil came from disobedience but his intent was not evil.
His intent was to explore the world, define and label his surroundings, maybe even embrace a bewildering context that made him an alien in his own backyard. His efforts were at broadening his limited optics, creating perspective where there were bleak shadows of misunderstanding and incoherence, creating language where there was silence, a void. In short, Nature is uncomfortable with voids and finds ways to fill them. This is certainly true now and held true at the beginning of civilization, from moment Time and Man were play partners. The implications of Adam's actions--if you believe in New Testament Christian theology--is that all mankind suffers as a result of one act of disobedience on the part of one man, symbolic of all mankind. How to measure intent? Certainly not through consequence.

What we Tanzanians have in our favor--above all Africans--is a genuine love of justice, freedom, truth in government. And our government has not failed us in the sense that efforts are being made to perfect the imperfectable instrument, an institutional machine that mirrors Paradise, the throne of Grace where God sits as head of His kingdom. I am referring to government as a paradigm for Heaven in the clearest and most sincere terms because I see reflections paralleled in my wonderful country, Tanzania. Meaning what exactly? We continue to lead by example through excellence, political intuit unparalled anywhere on this great continent of ours. Let us stand firm, noting that 2008 will sharpen our national identity each moment.

Nick Mwaluko

* Nick Mwaluko holds undergraduate and graduate degrees from Columbia University in New York where Nick was also a Point Scholar, GLAAD Fellow.

The Kenya National Commission on Human Rights has released a new report on its election campaign monitoring showing increasing misuse of state resources by Government allied politicians.

I propose we form a Pambazuka Support Group in as many countries as possible to raise funds and also to support the Pambuzuka initiative. I am happy to lead on this in the UK and will try to contact as many academics, intellectuals, political activists and others as possible. Many of us value what you produce enormously.

Prof David Seddon
Former member of the Editorial Board, The Review of African Political Economy

Dear Friends,

Free the Slaves is pleased to announce that we are currently accepting nominations for our 2008 Freedom Awards. These awards are open to organizations and individuals who are working to eradicate human trafficking and modern-day slavery. The Freedom Awards celebrate the vision and courage of community-based organizations, survivors of slavery, individual leaders and young adult anti-slavery activists who are showing the way to a world without slavery. The Awards also honor past heroes who inspire the anti-slavery movement today. Please help us by making a nomination. Please also pass along this invitation to anyone who might be able to nominate suitable organizations or individuals. We also welcome self-nominations. The deadline is December 31st.

Each award has its own requirements and nomination form. To get more information and the correct form, visit the awards webpage:
2fwww.freetheslaves.net%2ffreedomawards&srcid=260&srctid=1&erid=8332> or email us at: [email][email protected] The deadline for nominations is Monday, December 31, 2007. Nominations received after December 31 cannot be considered for the 2008 awards. Two awards to community-based organizations One award will go to an organization working within communities to make the most significant and transformative contribution to preventing and ending slavery, demonstrating how slavery can be taken apart and destroyed. The other award will go to an organization specializing in social reintegration of survivors of slavery to bring them to lasting freedom
-- helping them recover psychologically, earn their own income and regain a respected place in the community. These awards, named the Harriet Tubman Awards, will give each winning organization:
. A grant of $25,000 each year for two years.
. A technical assistance package worth $15,000 each year for two years.
. A USA study tour to share experiences with relevant organizations.
. A short documentary video produced by Free the Slaves about the activities and work of the organization. Eligibility requirements for the Harriet Tubman Awards Community-based organizations in any part of the world are eligible for this award.
Organizations must:
. Have been operating for at least three years.
. Be legally able to receive funds from overseas sources.
. Be willing to share their work experiences with others (we will arrange interpretation).

One award to an individual survivor of slavery This award will be given to an individual who has survived a form of slavery and is now using his or her life in freedom to assist others.
This award honors the tremendous resilience of the human spirit and emphasizes that many survivors of modern-day slavery go on to help others to freedom. This award, named the Frederick Douglass Award, will give the winning individual: . $10,000 for training and capacity building to continue and expand his or her work.
. A total of $10,000 over two years, to be used as he or she feels appropriate. Eligibility requirements for the Frederick Douglass Award Individuals in any part of the world are eligible for this award.
The individual must:
. Be at least 18 years old.
. Be willing to travel to the USA (we will cover travel costs and assist with travel documents).
. Be willing to speak out about his or her experiences (we will arrange interpretation).

One award to an individual in a leadership role This award will be given to an individual who has moved a major institution, a business or large groups of people to significant action to fight slavery. This award, named the William Wilberforce Award, will give the winning individual:
. A total of $10,000 over two years, to be used as he or she feels appropriate.
Eligibility requirements for the William Wilberforce Award Individuals in any part of the world are eligible for nomination for this award.
The individual must:
. Be willing to travel to the USA (we will cover travel costs and assist with travel documents).
. Be willing to speak out about his or her experiences (we will arrange interpretation).

Two fellowships to young adult anti-slavery activists Two fellowships to work with Free the Slaves will be awarded to young adults who have demonstrated consistent determination, creativity and results in the anti-slavery movement, and who are committed to developing their career to help rid the world of slavery. These fellowships, named the Anne Templeton Zimmerman Awards, will give the winning individuals: . A one-year fellowship with a salary of $35,000, plus benefits.
. A professional development package including accredited academic and non-profit management courses.
. The opportunity to travel outside the USA to learn about other anti-slavery efforts.
Eligibility requirements for the Anne Templeton Zimmerman Awards In 2007, we can only accept nominations of young adults with an existing legal right to work in the USA. Individuals must:
. Be aged between 21 and 30.
. Have joined in anti-slavery or related efforts over at least two years.
. Be able to work for the year in a Free the Slaves office. . Have a USA green card or be a USA citizen.
. Be a university graduate, or about to graduate.

Please note: It is important to read further about the awards, and to submit the appropriate nomination form. Visit the awards webpage:
or email us, stating which award you need to know more about:
[email][email protected]

Charles Otieno-Hongo argues that a youth agenda should be about giving young people the space to participate in decision making with respect to issues that concern their intellectual development, social identity and economic empowerment.

“Young people are fitter to invent than to judge; fitter for execution than for counsel; and more fit for new projects than for settled business.”

Men of age object too much, consult too long, adventure too little, repent too soon, and seldom drive business home to the full period, but content themselves with a mediocrity of success. – Sir Francis Bacon

It is election time once again and as usual it is time for politicians to reach out to special interest groups as they seek votes. And as we have witnessed time and time again, one of the major groups to reach out for are the youth. Suddenly everybody and every party seems to be having an agenda for the youth. Groups such as “Vijana na Kibaki”, “Warembo Na Kibaki” and “Youth for Raila 07” are following in the footsteps of “Youth for Kanu” and similar groups witnessed in the past. And as usual, they are setting the agenda.

But whose agenda is it? We have heard the same rhetoric, about the need to “involve the youth”, “cater to the interest of the youth” during every election year, and these have been subsequently (and conveniently, I may add) forgotten once the elections are won or lost. After five years, the same characters emerge with the same songs, and the same results. And even when the cast changes, the script remains the same. The simple conclusion is that the agenda is to get the massive youth vote. Period. It has never been about the youth, simply about grabbing the votes. It also helps to have many of them turn out for party rallies at Uhuru Park or Nyayo stadium; the numbers create the perception that you are winning, which is critical for propaganda during election. If they can be mobilized to disrupt opponents rallies either by heckling speakers or throwing stones, this will be an added advantage. However, I propose that to involve the youth in meaningful participation of the nation’s politics, we must move away from the current mentality of having an agenda for the youth to establishing a youth agenda. It is not a question of having youthful MPs but rather having MPs for the youth. A political affirmative action for the youth.

Let me explain. There are two issues involved here, definition and participation. Who are the youth or what should be the youth agenda? The term youth is commonly defined by age and it is assumed that anybody falling within a certain age bracket is a representative of youth interest or the youth agenda. It is more like assuming that any woman in power is automatically representing women interests. I can be 25 years of age but be already so high up in the business and political hierarchy that my concerns are likely to be the same concerns as those of other politically powerful, wealthier and older individuals. Politically, the “youth” is a class, in our case a social construct defined by collective intellectual, social and economic oppression.
Youth is also about ideas, aspirations and values. The period in which you grow up determines your thinking and values. People who have lived in this world for a long time have different aspirations from people who are just beginning their lives. The collective youth aspiration is different from that of elders. And the language in which they express this aspiration is also different.

The youth agenda should therefore be about giving the millions of young people in this country the space to participate in decision making with respect to issues that concern their intellectual development, social identity and economic empowerment. Young people, or students for that matter, do not sit on the school governance boards, or even on church boards. In our Estate security committee meetings, fathers don’t bring their sons or daughters to attend these meetings to voice their opinions or concerns for the simple reason that they are not the ones who pay the monthly contributions! And while there may have been some progress in widening the democratic space in general, this has yet to embrace the participation of youth as a constituency. For the youth, participating in decisions on what type of education is relevant to them or legislating on issues that affect the cultural, the social and the economic environment are key. In other words, full participation in the political arena.

Participation in politics is mainly through certain political structures. In Kenya bidding for political office is chiefly through participating in the affairs of political parties. In a strong democracy, winning political parties holds the reins of power. Therefore, the assumption is that party policies and ideology will inform how the government is run. What this implies then is that special interests must be strongly represented in the party in power. But how can youth interests be represented in political parties?

In the past, the political parties have hoaxed the youth (and women) by having token offices or posts within the party to represent their interests. Parties develop posts such as secretary for youth affairs, etc. but these positions are simply for the sake of appearance. The positions are dished out to young looking party stalwarts and these are presented as a representation of the youth. Usually, these persons are already well-connected and senior party members despite their youthfulness.

To achieve this, these persons will have had access to certain privileges that connected them to mainstream party personalities, either through business association or by senior positions in civil society or other organizations, privileges that would have divorced them from the aspirations of the collective youth and endeared them to those of the established elites. A lot of times, these positions are made with the intention of ethnic balancing in terms of post distribution and the more the posts, the easier this can be achieved. We have to move away from this model.

The youth have to start participating in party politics quite early, probably from when they are still in school and college and work their way up the party. Political parties sincere on having the youth actively participate in party affairs must establish and let the youth develop their structures for participation. A party like ODM, or Ford-Kenya (note parties, not coalitions), could run parallel structures for the youth from either the school/college level or other appropriate formats, given that not all youth are in school or college. In some democracies, main political parties fund party chapters in colleges. For example, there would be a Ford Kenya college or youth league with a complete structure that would provide for the participation of young people in debating issues and contributing to party policies. Elections would be held regularly, something that fosters cultivation and education of democratic culture. When I was a college student in India, students contested some campus elections on tickets of existing parties like the Congress Party and BJP! And no doubt, local party operatives did indeed finance some of the campaigns.

Structures could be created to link these youth leagues with the main party structures so that the voices of the representatives of the youth carry equal weight to those of the older established politicians. In fact, the parties should be compelled to allocate a certain percentage of the funds they will be receiving from the government to fund these youth leagues. Voices emerging from these structures could then be given a certain percentage of votes in the august house. This means that debates taking place in the house will be replicated in the youth “parliaments”. Structures for these ‘parliaments’ to bring in bills could also be created. For example, if young people feel that uniforms should be done away with in schools, or that banning artwork on matatus denies them a source of livelihood, they can push for this agenda to be debated in parliament, knowing full well that their votes will count.

All this might sound like wishful thinking just as I am aware that it may not be a thoroughly thought out concept but the ability of the youth to be creative in a daredevil manner in terms of ideas is what this country needs at the moment. We need to think outside the box, and the elder politicians cannot lead us in this process. At least once the idea is out there, it can be debated with conclusions that it can work, or that it cannot work. Even more important, it may give rise to better ideas!

This article was initially published in the WAJIBU JOURNAL Volume 22. No 4 (November - December 2007)

Media Focus on Africa Foundation (MFAF) teamed up with Wajibu to publish the current Wajibu Journal election issue. Wajibu is a well established Kenyan journal that deals with issues that are of Social and Ethical Concern. Established in 1985, it is published quaternary by Dr. Gerald J. Wanjohi and the Wajibu Task force. This particular issue focuses on the upcoming Kenya elections and is edited by Dipesh Pabari with contributions from a variety of seasoned writers.

This issue focuses on the different aspects and hot topics that are at the fore front for Kenyans with the ballot approaching. In the current issue, the meaning of peace is explored by Mukoma wa Ngugi, discussing the ethnic divisions, majimboism and historical legacies and their implication on democracy and ultimately peace.

Zarina Patel an author and managing editor of Awaaz magazine examines the role of women in the ever changing political climate, especially electoral violence and violence targeting women, as witnessed by the Flora Tera story.

Maina Kiai graces the pages of this issue discussing human rights and the ever changing face of corruption. Other issues of good government, poverty, unemployment and the youth agenda are deliberated by Charles Otieno-Hongo, Nducu Wa Ngugi, Achoka Awori and more.

This Wajibu issue is also filled with images from the thought provoking media campaign by Media Focus on Africa. The images and this campaign aim to promote informed debates on issues pertinent to a free and fair election. It is important to raise awareness about the issues surrounding democratization, development and ultimately encourage the Kenyan people to vote on political platforms not the personalities this December.

Ngugi Wa Thiong'o reflects on Mwai Kibaki's presidency, the proliferation of what he terms paper parties, and the need for African democracy to speak for and to African peasants and workers - the marginalized majority.

I am not a member of any of the contesting parties. They don’t adequately embody the vision of the unity of the small farmer, the worker, the jobless and landless Kenyans across all the regions of their birth and residence. They don’t seem to recognize sufficiently that Kenya like Africa as a whole has only two tribes: the haves and the have-nots. Membership in the two camps comes from all regions and communities. But there is a misleading tendency in the haves of one community and region to point at the haves of another community as the only haves. They then set themselves as the defenders of the entire haves and have-nots of their own community against the entire haves and have-nots of another community and region, thus setting the stage for personal fiefdoms and political warlords.

A political party must take responsibility for the development of the entire country. The condition for the real development of any one region must be development of all regions throughout the country. Real development must be measured from the standpoint of those at the bottom of the mountain and not those at the top.

But even with those misgivings, I celebrate with my fellow Kenyans the present moment in our country. We can now exercise the right to form and join a political party of one’s choice, without fear of prison, detention camps, exile or death.

We must not forget that this uhuru to form and join political associations of one’s choice did not come of itself. We owe it to the Mau Mau and all other patriots who stood up to the might of British Empire and opposed the settler colonial state. Let us not forget that we also owe this uhuru to those maimed, jailed, exiled, disappeared and killed opposing the Moi dictatorship. The resistance against Moi’s dictatorship was waged inside and outside the country led by groups who believed in the unity of the have-nots of our nation and Africa.

In the years of struggle against the Moi dictatorship, Mwai Kibaki and I were on different camps. The famous statement likening those who were struggling against Kanu to a person trying to cut down a M?gumo tree with a razor blade is enshrined in a document called Struggle for Democracy in Kenya in London, copies of that document were smuggled into the country during the Moi regime. The image of the Kibaki who made that “razor blade cutting a M?gumo” statement clashed with other more positive images of him that I carried in me from three previous encounters.

My first encounter with Kibaki was in 1961 at Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda, where I took his classes in Economics. Shortly thereafter, he left us to join Kenya African National Union (Kanu) as its executive officer. Kanu, of course, was the party that crossed over Kenya to Independence. With the death of Achieng Oneko recently, K?baki now remains the most prominent figure living with linkage to the Nationalist Kanu of Jomo Kenyatta and Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.

Kanu took power with a manifesto of one Kenya one people. Theirs was opposed to Kadu’s majimbo program. Kadu’s manifesto was said to have been drafted by a group of white settlers who wanted a weak central government for Kenya. The British settler colonial state had always opposed the formation of African political parties that cut across the different regions and, until the advent of Kanu and its predecessor KAU, the colonial regime would only legalize political parties based in regions, at one time restricting their formation to districts only.

Most of us students, at that time, shared Kanu’s nationalist vision and rejoiced at its victory over Kadu. The joy exuding in the famous picture of the triumphant trio, Jomo Kenyatta, Tom Mboya and Mwai Kibaki, dancing in the streets at the party’s victory was shared by millions across the whole country. It spoke hope. Years later, Kadu, the party of “uhuru pole pole” took over Kanu, the party of uhuru Sasa. Kadu then undermined Kanu’s nationalist credentials and social vision of African socialism.

My second encounter with Kibaki was in 1964 after I had published the novel, Weep not, Child. I had joined the Nation Newspapers as a reporter and feature writer. K?baki was then an assistant Minister in Kenyatta’s government. One evening he gave me a lift from Sans Chique, a restaurant and bar near the old Nation House, on what was then Government Road, to the YMCA near United Kenya Club where I was staying. Just before I stepped out of his car, Kibaki took his time and talked movingly about the vital importance of the freedom of the Press for democracy. I had not thought of the role of journalism in society in the way he put it.

The third and last encounter, but one forever engraved in my mind, was in July 1977 on the occasion of the publication of my novel, Petals of Blood. The novel was very critical of conditions in post colonial Kenya. It castigated, for instance, the close economic ties of dependence between Kenya and the West. It also castigated the chauvinism and the grab-and-eat mentality of the rising African middleclass.

Mwai Kibaki was then Finance Minister and he agreed to an invitation from the directors of Heinemann Educational Books to launch the book at Nairobi’s City Hall. He praised the novel and said he did not agree with everything in it. Nevertheless, he observed that the very publication of Petals of Blood, despite its critique, was a manifestation of democratic space in Kenya. Once again Kibaki dwelt on the importance of free exchange of ideas in a democratic society. It was really a call for tolerance, as against the intolerance then coalescing around then Attorney General Charles Njonjo who later made critical comments about Kibaki’s launch of the novel.

Five months later in December 1977, I was in Kam?t? Maximum Prison. There are some who claim that Petals of Blood as much as the play, Ngahika Ndenda, was the real reason for my incarceration. Years later, looking back to the political situation at the time, I came to realize the enormity of Kibaki’s courage in accepting to launch the book. But it was not just his courage; it is the fact that on those two occasions he had talked about democratic space he had absolutely nothing to gain from me.

The memory of those encounters influenced my belief that Kibaki meant it, when, on assuming national leadership in 2002, he talked of accountability, performance, stability of institutions, and commitment to democracy. Under the euphoria of Kibaki’s victory many people looked for social revolution from him, which I did not or even expect. But I was secretly fascinated to see whether he would keep to the democratic values that he had stated – which seemed to have come from deep conviction and commitment.

The five years of Kibaki’s presidency are known in Kenya and the world. I am optimistic Kenyans will vote on its record. I have not been in Kenya for long periods so I cannot fully assess the impact of his rule on the different classes and communities. But I can say that despite the fact that when my wife Njeeri and I returned home in 2004 after 22 years in exile we were victims of a brutal attack engineered by anti-ngugi forces and executed by hired hands, I have been very impressed by the atmosphere of free speech prevailing in the country. There is no terror in the eyes of Kenyans as it used to be. I have not seen people looking over their shoulders as they speak in support or censure of his government.

There are of course negative marks like the attack on the East African Standard newspapers; the very nationally embarrassing episode of the Armenian brothers; and the recent allegations in a report by the Kenya National Commission for Human Rights of extra-judicial killings of those suspected of being involved in crime. No crime however hideous can justify police becoming prosecutor, judge, jury and executioner. Crimes and insecurity which haunt a country undermining personal peace, production and internal investments has to be tackled vigorously but within the law. The social roots of crime must also be tackled. There have also been stories of corruption with the Anglo-Leasing episode reminding us of the endemic corruption of the Moi era. Corruption is also an economic crime against the nation.

But in the main, these are the first five years including colonial and post colonial times of Kenyatta and Moi when Kenyans have not been killed, exiled or imprisoned on the basis of their political views and political positions. No one has been imprisoned for attacking Kibaki either in Parliament, outside Parliament or from within his own Cabinet. And nobody can deny that there has been a vigorous opposition no matter what one may think of its tactics.

It gives me pride as a Kenyan and African to hear of an increased economic growth largely financed from within instead of its being brought about by a crippling and humiliating dependence on handouts from foreign sources, as in the past. It is a case of national capital asserting itself. This may not always please global financial lending institutions or those who take it that Africa cannot stand on its feet without golden crutches provided by western charities. What Africa needs are its feet firmly on its ground and not crutches however golden.

As a writer I try to get glimpses into the big picture through small things. I have seen a very improved courtesy in the Kenya embassies to which I have gone for services, especially in Los Angeles, Johannesburg and London, a far cry from the previous era. I was excited to read that Mau Mau had been declared a legal organization, an act that the previous regimes could not bring themselves to do. I was even more excited when I saw the picture of the statue of Dedan Kimathi in the heart of the city, or when I read about the Koitalel Arap Samoia museum. Our relatives from Mang’u, Limuru, and elsewhere in Kenya, have told us of their excitement for accessing electricity in their villages under the rural electrification program. Others have told us how they have started taking care of their coffee and maize because they are now certain of the market and fairer returns for their efforts. There have been similar stories from those with a cow or two to milk. We have also read of revival and rehabilitation of critical production facilities like the Kenya Meat Commission; Kenya Cooperative Creameries; Hamisi Sugar in Mombasa. The first time I heard of the popular CDF, was from a letter from the village.

But people can only speak from their own experiences and encounters. Every Kenyan has to ask and honestly respond to the question: are we better off now than we were before Kibaki took over? Does he deserve a chance to build on the positives of his rule? Are there others who can do a better job?

The advantage of having a political track record is that people have a basis for taking positions. This applies to all seeking public office. The electoral period should be the time that people scrutinize the track record of all candidates and their position on the national, regional, continental and international scene. People should be debating the economic, political and social programs of the parties. Questions of bread and butter are always important; and people, from the professional classes to the ordinary farmer and worker, will no doubt take them into account.

But there are other pertinent questions. What are the political parties’ positions on the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and imperialism in general? Where do they stand on the relationship between national and foreign capital? What about the relationship between the Kenya’s middleclass and rest of the people? What about the parties’ positions on the unity of the nation, East Africa and the African continent? What is their take on pan-Africanism especially now that Europe is uniting and the USA is building blocs all over the world? It is almost tragic that while the rest of the world is uniting to be in a better position to control their own resources and ours, Africa is not doing the same. Instead, the tendency is to retreat behind national boundaries, and worse, behind regional and clan barricades.

So while Europe and the USA will be bargaining from a unified position, we in Africa will be bargaining with these Western blocs as separate nations, regions or even clans. Now is the time to raise issues. It is the time to demand a clear answer to the big question: what are the political parties’ visions for Kenya in the world?

Unfortunately, focus on issues is often the first victim of political election fever. Instead of holding a candidate to account, some look to the candidate’s pockets. And from the supporters of the contesting parties comes demonization of their opponents with incredible distortions and downright lies.

Some want to silence others with violence. Yet others base their judgement on the ethnic origins of the leader they oppose or support. They forget that being a member of an ethnic group or gender is not a matter of political choice; it is a result of biological fact. If I tell you that I am a M?g?k?y? or Mjaluo or Mgiriama and proud of it, which of course I should be, that does not tell you where I stand on policy. Even people of the same gender, ethnicity, and faith can have different views on social issues.

We should always link the present to the past and to the future: where are we coming from; where are we now, and where are we heading to; and what are the best vehicles and drivers for taking us there? If you think of a political party as a vehicle, then you have to look at its political program and manifesto, its structures and organs of power. Then take a good look at the history and soberness of the driver. Obviously you do not want to board a vehicle, no matter how beautiful, driven by a driver, under influence.

Unfortunately, and despite the existence of several parties, there are now in Kenya no real parties - except perhaps Kanu - with a history, and a questionable one at that, to examine. They are paper parties, mostly, or like vehicles driven by drivers always poised to abandon them for new ones. Sometimes they leave the old vehicles with engine running, as a fallback position just in case things don’t work out for them in the new vehicle! The party represents the leader, not the leader representing the party. Or rather the leader is the party.

We have moved thus from a one party state to a “paper-parties” state. We have even turned these paper parties into commodities for sale. This is a very poor heritage for the Kenya of tomorrow. These paper parties may in the end negate the very democracy which enabled their birth. A country needs stable political parties with clear mechanism for change of leadership within them. Stable parties are also important for ensuring smooth change in the leadership of the nation.

In the absence of reliable parties, the choice of a leader becomes even more important. It means examining carefully the character of each contestant; what he has done in the past; and the likelihood that he will take us to the direction and destination he has promised. The choice we make could affect the very future, character and integrity of the Kenya nation.

Unfortunately, I am one of thousands of Kenyans abroad who will not be able to cast their vote in the coming elections because there are no provisions for us to vote at our embassies and consulates. Despite the fact that I am not able to cast my vote, I urge all Kenyans to do so.

Whatever the outcome of this year’s elections, the struggle continues for a prosperous Kenya, from the standpoint of those at the bottom of the mountain. Hopefully, with continued stability of institutions, there will emerge parties that, in their history, programs and practice, will embody the vision of a united self reliant Kenya, a united nation certain of its base in the people as it engages with East Africa, Africa and the World in a rapidly globalizing space.

We have to create a Kenya in which the worker and peasant can see all they have fought for in history finally placed at the center. In that sense, the struggle continues no matter who wins in the elections..

*Professor Ngugi wa Thiong’o is Distinguished Professor of English and Comparative Literature, and Director of the International Centre for Writing and Translation, at the University of California Irvine.

*A version of this article first appeared in Kenya's Sunday Nation.

*Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

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